The Assassination That Started The Soviet-Afghan War

The time is 7:10 p.m. on the 27th of December, 1979. The third security battalion and a construction battalion of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, or DRA, are turning out of their barracks and being issued with weapons. Their commander has ordered an increase in readiness after disturbing reports from the nearby Tajbeg Palace, the residence of Afghan President Hafizullah Amin. The men are still collecting firearms when five GAZ-66 trucks appear outside the barracks entrance and 13 men wearing DRA uniforms disembark. The third security battalion's commander approaches them to make sure they are not anti-government militants who have been fighting an insurgency against the DRA. However, the recently arrived men instead seize the battalion commander and throw him into the back of one of the trucks before opening fire on the rest of the Afghan soldiers. The Afghans are thrown into chaos as men dive for cover and four men carrying silenced AKM assault rifles exit the trucks and sneak off to the north. These attackers are not militants, but Soviet Spetsnaz commandos backed up by the operators from the KGB's counter-terror units, Zenit and Grom. These are the opening shots of Operation Storm 333, an attempt by the Soviet Union to assassinate President Amin. It will also kick off a long and bloody war that will eventually play a major role in bringing down the Soviet Empire. >> Over a year and a half earlier, Afghanistan's autocratic leader, Mohammad Daoud Khan, is overthrown and assassinated during the Saur Revolution. He is replaced by Noor Mohammad Taraki, the leader of the Marxist-Leninist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, and assisted by his deputy, Hafizullah Amin. The Soviet Union is outwardly delighted to have a communist ally on their southern border. Premier Brezhnev opens a dialogue with Taraki, which includes the signing of a friendship treaty between the two countries. Yet, the new Afghan government is rife with instability, with two factions fighting over the best way to implement communism. A hardline Leninist, Taraki leads the Khalq faction, which believes that a red terror will quickly usher in communism, while the rival Parcham faction favors a slower, more moderate approach. This is Sir Rodger Braithwaite. He is a former British diplomat who served as the British ambassador to Russia from 1988 to 1992. He is the author of Afghansty, The Russians in Afghanistan, 1979 to 89. >> The Soviets, of course, couldn't not recognize the communists because after all, they were communists. They had to recognize them whether they liked it or not. So, although they may have been taken by [music] surprise, they still recognized it and had to be seen to support it. So, they were, you know, they were trapped as well. >> Taraki and the Khalq faction take full control of the government and immediately launches a brutal purge, executing or disappearing between 10,000 to 100,000 people and suppressing religion. Soviet leadership is shocked by these measures and grows more sympathetic to the Parcham faction led by Babrak Karmal. Mass uprisings against Taraki's regime spring up throughout the country as the deeply religious and conservative rural tribes form Mujahideen or holy warrior bands to fight against the new government. The instability emboldens his deputy Amin, who sees an opportunity to seize power for himself. Taraki and Amin have a falling out with each man plotting to take out the other. On the 13th of September, 1979, Taraki attempts to have Amin assassinated, but his former protege survives the attempt. With the backing of the army, Amin overthrows Taraki and arrests him. The Soviets see Amin as even more radical than Taraki and warn the new Afghan leaders to spare the life of his predecessor. Instead, Amin has Taraki suffocated with a pillow on the 8th of October, 1979 while announcing that he had died of a brief and serious illness. Soviet Premier Brezhnev is appalled by this action and is growing uneasy with the chaos on the Soviet Union's border. The DRA only has full control of three of Afghanistan's 27 provinces, while the United States and Pakistan are now actively aiding the Mujahideen. Thousands of refugees flee the country into Iran and Pakistan to escape Amin's ruthless purges. The rural tribes of Afghanistan are traditionally hostile to central authority, and suffer the consequences. Where there is resistance to his regime, Amin orders the army and air force to bomb entire villages into rubble. Soviet military advisers criticize his heavy-handed approach, but a defiant Amin forges ahead with his brutal campaign of suppression. In the eyes of the Politburo in Moscow, President Amin is mishandling the domestic situation in Afghanistan, and arguments for an armed intervention continue to grow louder. Although Afghanistan is solidly in the Soviet sphere of influence, such a move is not without risk. The United States has a vested interest in the Middle East, and will almost certainly oppose any Soviet intervention that could upset the region's delicate power balance. Furthermore, the impact on Soviet foreign relations could be devastating. Non-aligned would oppose the invasion of a sovereign country and gravitate towards either the West or the People's Republic of China. The USSR is also engaged in a separate Cold War against China for leadership of the Communist world, and invading Afghanistan could have the opposite effect of driving more countries into the arms of the Chinese. Yet, the murder of Taraki is the turning point which convinces Soviet leadership that Afghanistan must be brought under control. Brezhnev fumes over Amin's betrayal, as he had vowed to protect Taraki. What a bastard Amin, to murder the man with whom he made the revolution. Who will now believe my promises if my promises of protection are shown to be no more than empty words? This is Dr. Tor Bukkvoll. He is a political scientist and a senior research fellow at the Norwegian Defense Research Establishment. He is the author of Spetsnaz, a history of the Soviet and Russian special forces. >> Taraki was to some extent a personal friend of Leonid Brezhnev, the head of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union. So, then there was a personal side to it, but the I think the main thing that kind of made the Soviets decide to get rid of Amin was that there were rumors, and not only rumors, that he had had talks with Americans. And they didn't really know the content of those talks, so they just suspected that he would make shift to the other side, and that it was necessary to remove him from power. >> Thus, the Soviet Union decides to invade Afghanistan based more on the needs to restore pride rather than achieve any major geopolitical goals. As Roderick Braithwaite writes in his book, one of the driving forces in Soviet policy making over the next 3 months was a determination to recover from humiliation and reassert control over events. >> But they were strapped for a lot of reasons, including, of course, the loss of prestige that we would draw would entail, and also, as I said, the consideration that all governments who do things like that always find, you go in, you lose people, you come out, and everybody says, "What the bloody hell did you all those people get killed for then?" >> Furthermore, the Soviets may never get a better opportunity to expand its influence in the Middle East. The United States is distracted with the fallout of the Iranian Revolution and the subsequent hostage crisis, which leaves a power vacuum for the USSR to occupy. The Soviets are increasingly concerned that President Amin is gravitating towards the Americans and might even be a CIA plant. On the 27th of September, Amin tells the American chargé d'affaires in Kabul that he hopes for an improvement in relations. Only days later, the new Afghan foreign minister, Shah Wali, accuses the USSR of attempting to assassinate Amin during an explosive meeting with socialist ambassadors. This further infuriates Moscow, and Brezhnev's patience begins to run thin. A meeting between Amin and the head of the US mission in Kabul in October further convinces Brezhnev that he is working with the CIA. >> And then the intervention took place really as a result of all the emotions generated by the murder of Taraki and the belief of the KGB that the Americans were intriguing to take over in Afghanistan. >> In fact, Soviet paranoia over Amin's connections with the CIA are completely unfounded. Stansfield Turner, agency director at the time of Amin's takeover, is asked in 1995 whether Amin was a CIA agent. He responds, "I also say that they ascribe more things to us than we were able to do. Afghanistan was not a first priority problem for us. We had many more other problems." State Department advisor, Marshall Shulman, will later add, "Amin seems to be searching for other orientations. It was quite possible that he was seeking some role more independent of the Soviet Union, either through the Pakistanis or through his contacts with the Americans. This did not necessarily mean he was an agent, but it may be that in his maneuvering, he was seeking a more independent role for himself. It is clear that this could have been misinterpreted by Moscow." Preparations for a coup, followed by an invasion to stabilize the country, begin in early December of 1979. The Soviets set out three goals for their intervention. The removal of Amin and his replacement by the more moderate Babrak Karmal. To quickly seize control of the DRA's military so that it can be preserved to fight the rebels. And finally, to make a show of force to the rebellion. The main invasion itself is code-named Operation Baikal 79 and will involve between 75,000 and 80,000 troops. The Soviet Politburo believes the Afghans will not offer significant resistance and only plans for a 6-month deployment. However, there are those within the Soviet government who believe the intervention will end in disaster. >> First of all, head of the GRU, Pyotr Ivanovich who had been head of the GRU for some time already then and he thought and said that this could become the Soviet Union's Vietnam. Well, I think what Andropov's role throughout is very [music] interesting for that reason. I mean, head of the KGB and he well informed, obviously, [music] and he said, "You know, if the regime in Kabul can only be sustained by Soviet bayonets, we shouldn't get involved or just end up in a quagmire." And of course, he was quite right. >> The main opposition comes from the Soviet Army, which will be carrying out the operation. General L. N. Gorelov, the chief military adviser in Afghanistan, stresses that the Soviet Union can still work with Amin despite his [music] flaws. Gorelov is subsequently relieved of command. General Vasily Zaplatin, adviser to the head of the Afghan Army's political department, stresses to Chief of General Staff Nikolai Ogarkov that no military action is needed. Ogarkov himself opposes the invasion, telling the Politburo, "We will lose politically in the entire world." And points out that 75,000 men is not enough to pacify the country. His warnings are ignored and planning proceeds at a brisk pace. The plot to assassinate President Amin is the most important aspect of the Soviet intervention. Codenamed Operation Storm 333, the plan is to eliminate Amin in a lightning strike to prevent coordinated resistance against the main invasion. Despite the Politburo's confidence, this will not be an easy task. The Afghan president has recently moved his residence to the heavily fortified Tajbeg Palace, almost 10 miles to the southwest of Kabul's city center. >> And I went [music] to see it. It's on the hill outside the town with a very open approach [music] which you can cover with fire quite easily and which the Afghans had set up all sorts of >> Approximately 2,500 soldiers and security personnel, including three T-54 tanks, are defending the area and fortified checkpoints are in place on the main roads leading to the palace. Furthermore, two tank brigades are stationed nearby and can come to the aid of the defenders. The first version of the Soviet plan involves snipers assassinating Amin as he leaves his palace. Babrak Karmal will then assume control over the country and invite the Soviet army in to restore stability. However, the operation is called off after chief Soviet military advisor General Sultan Muhammad Komatow learns of the plan and insists it will have zero chance of success. The KGB now gets back to work on a new and more complex plan. Colonel Vasily Kozlov from the Soviet GRU military intelligence is the new architect of the operation and preparations are complete by Christmas day of 1979. The updated plan now calls for a direct assault on the Taj Beg Palace by 661 men from several units. 520 are from the 154th Special Purpose Detachment, a Spetsnaz unit better known as the Muslim Battalion because its men have been recruited from the majority Muslim areas of the Soviet Union in Central Asia. >> These were not the special operation forces trained beforehand. They were recruits that were recruited at that time because they were some relations because they they knew culture and they knew languages. So, that was relatively quickly put together and they were sent into Afghanistan before the coup against Amin. >> The Muslim Battalion is joined by two KGB special forces, 24 men from the counter-terror unit code-named Grom or Alpha Group, and 30 operators from Zenit. 87 paratroopers from the 345th Independent Guards Airborne Regiment are also earmarked for the operation. This combined force is split into 12 Boyevaya Gruppa, abbreviated BG or battle groups, with each group assigned a special mission. Colonel Kozlov has overall command, while the KGB contingent is commanded by Colonel Grigori Boyarinov. The Soviets launch a Maskirovka or deception operation in the days prior to the raid. On the 22nd of December, the Soviet ambassador tells President Amin that Brezhnev and the Politburo would detach troops to help the DRA crush the rebellion. A thrilled Amin is then persuaded to let two companies of the Muslim Battalion encamp within the security perimeter protecting the palace. Most of the DRA's units already have Soviet military advisers who ordered the tank brigades defending Kabul to remove the ammunition, batteries, and fuel from their vehicles under the guise of a maintenance program. >> There were also Afghan forces there to protect the president. I think around 2,000, that's a quite quite a lot of them actually. They were closer to the palace than were the Soviet special operations forces. And they had probably, we don't know this for sure, but some of them seem to have understood that something was going on. So, it's likely that they at least suspected that those who were half further away and their their allies suddenly may turn into enemies. >> To maintain total secrecy, orders from Operation Storm 333 are hand delivered and telecommunications between participating units are strictly limited. The night before the operation, Soviet advisers organized dinners for DRA officers with plenty of alcohol and rich food to hopefully leave their supposed allies sluggish when the attack comes. The soldiers carrying out the assault are confident of success, yet still apprehensive. The men are briefed on the plan the night before and are assigned their different roles. Despite their reputation as elite soldiers, most of the Spetsnaz of the Muslim Battalion have never seen combat before. Many decide to leave their cumbersome flak jackets behind to allow for greater mobility. One man is incredulous at the plan and claims they will all be killed, but no one questions their orders. Some of the men drink vodka or take Valerian pills to calm their nerves on the eve of battle, but most are unable to eat or drink anything as they contemplate going in to the fight of their lives. The plan to assassinate Amin is set in motion on the 27th of December 1979. The KGB attempts to poison Amin at a luncheon in the Tajbeg Palace, where the Afghan president is celebrating what he thinks is Soviet intervention to support his regime. He boasts to his guests that Soviet divisions are already on their way here. Paratroopers are landing in Kabul. Everything is going very well. Unbeknownst to anyone present, KGB agent Mikhail Talibov has infiltrated Amin's entourage disguised as a cook and slips a powerful sleeping agent into the drinks spread around the table. The poison works and Amin, along with several high-ranking officials, fall into a coma. The palace guards immediately summon help from the Soviet embassy. Ironically, two Soviet doctors with no knowledge of Operation Storm 333 arrive to treat Amin and manage to save his life. The attempt on his life has aroused suspicions and the commander of the Afghan security brigade, Major Zabihullah begins inspecting the palace defenses and orders his men to be on alert. Fearing that the operation could be compromised, Colonel Koslov moves the launch time up 2 hours from 9:30 p.m. to 7:30 p.m. With the Soviets outnumbered nearly four to one, surprise and speed will be critical to the mission's success. The 25 men of Battle Group 1, under the command of Captain Makhmud Sakatov, is the first unit to get moving at 6:20 p.m. This is the unit which engages the DRA 3rd Security Battalion near the barracks south of the palace, where the battalion commander has been captured. Battle Group 1's main objective is to eliminate the three dug-in T-54 tanks between the 3rd Security Battalion's barracks and the palace, covering the access roads to allow the main assault forces of BG2 and BG3 to assault the palace directly. The four men who snuck away during the battle are snipers from Zenit and Grom who take up positions near the tanks. The snipers quickly take out the guards, but the element of surprise has been lost and one of the Grom operators is killed by Afghan fire. At 7:15 p.m., Colonel Kozlov orders the main attack to begin. Two flares are fired to signal BGs 2 and 3 to begin moving from the west towards the palace, while the other units set out to accomplish their tasks. Colonel Boyarinov is leading the 32 men of BG2 in six BMP-1 infantry fighting vehicles, which open fire on the palace with their 73-mm main armament and coaxial machine guns. Two ZSU-23-4 Shilka self-propelled anti-aircraft systems from BG11 and eight AGS-17 grenade launcher crews from BG12 also target the palace from the high ground to the west to cover BG2's advance. The Spetsnaz had been rehearsing for the operation in the days beforehand in full view of the Afghan security forces, but the Afghans were assured these were simply training exercises and did not take extra precautions. As a result, the Soviets are able to penetrate deep into the security perimeter in the opening moments of the operation. The BMPs come across the first checkpoint and spray the blockhouse with machine gun fire. A DRA soldier runs out to try and close the barrier, but is run over by one of the BMPs. They crash through the checkpoint without slowing down. The Shilkas continue to provide withering fire support with their 23-mm guns with a cyclical rate of 850 to 1,000 rounds per minute. Although the palace walls are thick enough to absorb the Shilka rounds and the 30-mm grenades, the defenders are driven from the windows and forced to take cover. BG2 reaches the second checkpoint and is confronted by active opposition. Machine gun fire from the DRA soldiers slams into the BMPs while the Soviet soldiers fire back from the gun ports on the side of their vehicles. The safety glass protecting the gunner's sight on most of the armored vehicles is shot out by machine gun fire while the gun smoke inside the BMP makes it difficult to breathe. Accurate fire is almost impossible, but the Spetsnaz manage to keep the defenders heads down long enough for the BMPs to smash through the second barrier. While BG2 makes its way up the hill towards the palace, a large explosion is heard from Kabul. Zenit and KGB specialists have detonated 90 lb of high explosive in the capital's communication center, which severs all telephone communications in the area. At this same time, men of the Soviet 103rd Guards Airborne Division begin seizing key government buildings in Kabul to take advantage of the communications blackout. BG2 is rounding the hill and preparing to attack the third checkpoint with Grom Captain Oleg Balashov in the lead BMP. An RPG slams into Balashov's armored vehicle, disabling it, but leaving the men inside unharmed. Balashov orders his men to dismount and continue towards the palace on foot while under increasingly heavy fire. The five men inside clamber out only for all to be wounded by Afghan machine guns. One unfortunate Spetsnaz operator has his legs run over by one of the following BMPs, which are under orders to keep moving no matter what. Another BMP, under the command of Senior Lieutenant Hamid Abdullayev, is approaching a bridge spanning an irrigation ditch when it is too struck by an RPG. The BMP stalls and crashes into the irrigation ditch, and Abdullayev calls for help over the radio. The four remaining BG2 armored vehicles keep moving towards their objective. They are on the last leg of their journey up the hill when a third BMP is struck by an RPG and catches fire. The crew again bails out and continues on foot, meaning half of BG2 is now attacking as dismounted infantry. The last of the BMPs arrive at the top of the hill in front of the palace at 7:40 p.m. The men inside dismount to storm the palace, only to be immediately pinned down by hostile fire. The Taj Beg Palace itself is defended by 180 men from Amin's personal bodyguard and regular army troops. BG2 only has 30 combat effective men left. The BMPs are unable to elevate their guns high enough to hit the defenders above the second floor, and confusion is increasing by the minute. The attack stalls for 5 minutes while the Soviets attempt to find a way into the palace. Meanwhile, the 34 men of BG3 are racing towards the palace on a side route from the west in four thinly armored BTR-60 PB personnel carriers. BG3 is to assault the west side of the palace and rendezvous with BG2 coming from the opposite end. The attack immediately becomes a debacle when the Soviets approach the hill. The lead BTR is hit with heavy machine gun fire, which shreds the tires and brings the vehicle to a stop, forcing the men inside to evacuate. The second BTR is also hit and catches fire, causing the driver to panic and drive the personnel carrier into a drainage ditch. Senior Lieutenant Boris Suvorov is killed inside the BTR by a bullet which penetrated the thin armor, but the rest of the men are able to dismount safely. >> And the the driver of that BTR can in panic jam the whole system of communication throughout the operations for a long time. Nobody could get through to anybody else and in the end they had to start sending people running around from the different units to try to coordinate. So, there were a lot of problems. Despite all these problems, they they did get to the palace. >> The third BTR pushes through the machine gun fire and pulls up to the western entrance, only for its men to come under heavy suppressive fire from above. The last personnel carrier makes a wrong turn and finds itself climbing the same side of the hill as BG2. However, this BTR comes across Lieutenant Abdullayev and his crew, who are attempting to restart their BMP. The BTR provides valuable covering fire and Abdullayev's crew successfully restarts the BMP's engine and both vehicles continue up the hill. Nonetheless, the missing BTR and heavy casualties mean that BG3 is down to less than half of its initial strength. Still pinned down on the west side of the palace, Colonel Boyarinov calls for increased supporting fire from the Shilkas and grenade launchers. A machine gun nest on the west side is knocked out by one of the Shilkas, while another on the east is eliminated by the AGS-17 grenade launchers. The Soviets are finally able to make their move now that the Afghan defenders are suppressed. Men run towards the palace facade carrying assault ladders. The commander of BG2's Grom platoon and his translator are the first two men to burst into the palace through the main entrance and are instantly gunned down. The translator is killed and the platoon commander is badly wounded. A BMP approaches the main entrance and fires several 73-mm rounds into the building to cover the breaching operation. The Spetsnaz throw several grenades before breaking into the palace in pairs through the main entrance and holes blasted into the walls by supporting fire from the BMP. Eight men have been killed or wounded representing a quarter of BG2's initial strength. But the Spetsnaz operators have finally breached the palace. The Afghan defenders on the roof fire off a flare to try and alert nearby units to come to their aid. The Soviets have jammed local radio signals in addition to neutralizing telecommunications. BG3 also breaks into the building on the west side and is immediately hit with machine gun fire coming from the upper balcony in the main entrance. The Spetsnaz commandos try to shoot out as many light bulbs as possible to blind the defenders. With both BG2 and 3 fighting on the ground floor, Colonel Boyarinov tries to rendezvous with BG3 and steps into the middle of the deadly crossfire. He is killed by a round fired from an AKM assault rifle, which likely came from one of the Soviet soldiers. He will be posthumously awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union, the USSR's highest award for gallantry. Although they have gained a tenuous foothold inside the palace, the Spetsnaz are outnumbered, outgunned, and have now lost their KGB commanding officer. The other Soviet battle groups are fighting their own battles while the main assault force struggles to storm the Taj Beg Palace. BG9 has been assigned to the task of neutralizing the presidential security detachment, which is billeted in barracks just north of the palace. BG9 is composed of three BMD-1 infantry fighting vehicles along with a utility vehicle carrying a paratrooper platoon from the 345th regiment and a grenade launcher squad. The convoy already entered the palace security zone before the firing began and was not stopped by DRA patrols. When the firing began at 7:15 p.m., BG9 accelerated to full speed to get to the presidential security detachment barracks. The BMDs and utility vehicle arrive and screech to a halt. Paratroopers file out to set up machine guns to cover the main doors. The men of the security detachment are considered dangerous because of their personal loyalty to President Amin. The Soviet paratroopers are expecting a difficult fight. Instead, the Afghan security personnel remain in their barracks rather than come out to fight the attackers. Most slip away from the barracks in ones and twos and run away. The paratroopers are content to let them go and only detain a handful of men who attempt to retrieve heavy weaponry. BG9 avoids a costly firefight and has surrounded the barracks within minutes. Following BG9's advance, BG5, under the command of Senior Lieutenant Vostrotin, moves in seven BMDs and one BTR toward the Presidential Security Detachment, located closer to the palace. His 59 paratroopers are to assault and capture the barracks of the Second Security Battalion, which sits just to the northeast of the palace. The barracks are currently occupied by over 200 Afghan soldiers. The Soviets halt in the parade grounds in front of the barracks, and the paratroopers dismount. Once in position, the Soviets rake the buildings with machine gun and RPG fire, causing many casualties amongst the surprised DRA defenders. The paratroopers are also equipped with night vision, which allows them to pick up and choose targets, while the DRA soldiers inside the barracks are completely blind in the darkness. Yet, unlike the Presidential Security Detachment, the Second Security Battalion fights back. A single squad had been in the headquarters building on the other side of the parade grounds, and opens fire on the attackers. Two paratroopers are killed, and BT-5 turns its firepower onto the headquarters. The BMDs fire high-explosive anti-tank rounds from their 73-mm guns, and the Soviet paratroopers fire their RPGs from point-blank range. Due to the close range, the propellant rockets of some heat rounds do not ignite, leading many to slam into the walls and fall to the ground. The trapped DRA men inside the headquarters are able to break through the Soviet communications blackout and call for reinforcements from a nearby tank brigade. A small force of Soviet-built T-62 tanks approach the barracks from the eastern access road to relieve the defenders. However, the Soviets have anticipated this possibility and have prepared accordingly. The 19 men of BG-7 have set up six AT-4 Spigot anti-tank guided missile launchers on a small hill overlooking the northeastern area of the security perimeter. When the T-62s come into range, BG7's commander, Senior Lieutenant Sevostyanov, orders his men to take out the tanks. The AT-4s have a range of 2,500 m, and the Afghans have no defense for them. Two of the T-62s are destroyed in the first volley, and the remaining tanks disengage and retreat. BG5 keeps the second security battalion trapped in their barracks until the Afghans finally surrender at 6:30 a.m. the next morning. The target for BG4 is the barracks of the first security battalion and a DRA tank battalion sitting north of the second security battalion barracks. They're expecting a tough fight. The Afghans in this area number 700 DRA troops and 30 T-62 tanks. As such, BG4, under the command of Captain Ismat Kudratov, is the largest combat group in Operation Storm 333 with 110 Spetsnaz from the Muslim battalion attacking in 12 BTR-60PBs. Two AGS-17 grenade launcher crews from BG12, a Shilka, and two ATGM teams provide additional support for the assault. When the convoy of BTRs arrive at the two barracks, the Spetsnaz surprise the Afghans and open fire on the buildings. The 14.5 mm heavy machine guns aboard the BTRs cause dozens of casualties as the rounds punch through the thin walls of the barracks. Several Afghan tank crews attempt to run for their T-62s only to be mowed down by the concentrated fire from the machine guns and the AGS-17 grenade launchers. Those who make it to their tanks find that the batteries are missing, preventing them from starting their vehicles. The Soviet military advisers have done their job well. One crew does manage to survive the deadly fire and start up a tank which had not been sabotaged. But before the Afghans can fire a single shot, two ATGM's slam into the tank and destroy it. The DRA morale collapses after this episode and more men are prevented from escaping the barracks by the AGS-17s. The two battalions soon surrender with 55 men killed and 250 captured. The rest are allowed to flee. BG4 has suffered no casualties. Meanwhile, on the south side of the palace, BG6 and BG10 are entering the fray in support of the beleaguered BG1. The 58th Spetsnaz of BG6 are riding in six BTR-60s. They are moving in to support BG1 after their attack on the dug-in tanks stalled as the DRA's third security battalion attacked them. One of the BTRs breaks down, forcing its men to abandon the vehicle and crowd into the six BTRs of BG10. BG10 detaches one of its armored fighting vehicles to bolster BG6 as it prepares to attack the barracks of the third security battalion. Speed is becoming essential as the 16 men of BG1 are hard pressed by the Afghans. The DRA deputy commander has rallied to the men of the third security battalion who were firing back with renewed vigor. The Afghans are trying to set up a machine gun on the roof of the barracks in preparation for a counterattack to outflank BG1. However, BG6 arrives just in time and attacks the DRA from the other side of the barracks. The Afghans are caught off guard and the battle turns against the defenders. The BTR's heavy machine guns and infantry firing RPGs cause a number of casualties. The defenders morale also takes a hit when the deputy battalion commander is wounded by a grenade. Under attack from all sides, the DRA resistance collapses within 15 minutes. A handful of men escape the barracks through a side door, only to be captured by the Soviets. Some continue to resist, but the third security battalion ultimately surrenders after 30 minutes. BG10 is assaulting the adjacent barracks, which houses the 400 men of the Afghan construction battalion. Although they significantly outnumber the 57 men of BG10, the construction battalion is composed of lower quality troops whose main task is to perform landscaping duties and maintain the palace grounds. The Spetsnaz pull up to the barracks and place a BTR at every entrance to trap the men inside. Resistance is nonexistent here and some 200 men between the two DRA battalions in this area pile outside with their hands up to surrender to the Soviets. Some try to run off into the night, but most of those who flee are killed. An Afghan air defense regiment sited on a hill to the northwest of the palace is the last large group of Afghan troops threatening the Soviets. Although the Mujahideen has no air capabilities, President Amin placed 12 KS-19 and 16 ZPU twin mount anti-aircraft guns here to thwart a coup from his own air force. The anti-aircraft weaponry is directed by radio and powerful searchlights can sweep the palace security perimeter. The 47th Spetsnaz of BG8 and its four BMPs, supported by three AGS-17 grenade launcher teams, are to storm the hill, which is manned by 400 Afghan soldiers billeted in small huts. Once again, speed and surprise are critical to avoiding a bloody and drawn-out firefight with a numerically superior force. BG8 launches its attack on the hill at 7:30 p.m. The BMPs advance towards the summit firing their 73-mm main guns, while the AGS-17 teams provide covering fire. The grenade launcher teams use 30-mm grenades to spray the DRA anti-aircraft gun mounts with shrapnel to discourage the Afghans from turning them against the attackers. The tactic works and most Afghans remain in their huts and do their best to avoid drawing fire. Within minutes, all routes of escape are cut off and the air defense regiment is forced to surrender. 100 men are taken prisoner, while the rest flee or have been killed. BG8 again suffers no casualties. The only task left is to secure the Taj Beg Palace. This is proving more difficult than expected. BGs 2 and 3 have less than 50 combat-effective men remaining, facing over 120 highly motivated men of the Afghan presidential security detachment and President Amin's personal bodyguards. Both the Soviets and the presidential guards are wearing white identification armbands, causing confusion in the dark as to who the enemy is. >> The distinguishing signs on the Soviet special forces soldiers had got on their arms were all grimy and invisible in the dark, and the only way they could tell whether people were Afghan or not was that the Russian soldiers swore horribly the whole time. They all recognized one another that way. >> The Spetsnaz and KGB personnel have gotten over their shock of losing Colonel Boyarinov and managed to clear the ground floor by 7:50 p.m. The palace communication center is located and destroyed with grenades to ensure that no DRA reinforcements can come to Amin's aid. The remaining Soviet commandos band together and prepare to assault the upper floors where Amin's offices and private quarters are located. The only way to get there is by attacking up a large and open staircase surrounded by balconies and defended by Amin's bodyguards armed with German-made Heckler & Koch MP5s. After regrouping, the Spetsnaz bring up a PK machine gun to suppress the defenders and toss dozens of fragmentation grenades over the banisters above the ground floor. The Soviets are careful to hold the grenades for an extra second to prevent them from rolling back down the stairs and exploding in their midst. Enough Afghan defenders are killed or forced to retreat further into the palace to allow the Spetsnaz to storm the staircase and secure a foothold on the upper level. By this time, there are only eight Soviet commandos still fully combat effective, but these soldiers begin clearing the palace room by room. Meanwhile, a groggy President Amin is still recovering from the attempted poisoning earlier and is found by his two Soviet doctors wandering in the hallway holding his intravenous drips. The doctors help him into the palace bar where he is joined by an aide. Believing this is a counter coup or an attack by the Mujahideen, the president orders his aides to contact the Soviet military advisers, telling him, "The Soviets will help us." After he is informed that it's actually the Soviets attacking the palace, Amin throws an ashtray at his aide and accuses him of lying. But Amin comes to grips with the situation after failing to contact the Chief of the General Staff, muttering, "I suppose you were all right." The palace's power supply is hit by a grenade and the palace loses electricity, meaning neither side can identify friend from foe. However, the Spetsnaz, swearing in their native Russian, not only helps them identify each other, but the defenders now know they are fighting Soviet troops instead of Afghan rebels. Realizing they are fighting a more intimidating force, the resistance inside the palace begins to slacken. The firing slowly dies down as Amin's bodyguards [music] begin to surrender and are sent down the main staircase for processing. Amin's wife calls out for him, which attracts the attention of the Soviet attackers. The Spetsnaz detain her and four operators move towards the palace bar where the Afghan president is sheltering. One of his remaining bodyguards attempt to hold off the Soviets in front of the bar, but is gunned down. Several stray rounds penetrate the door and mortally wound one of Amin's Soviet doctors along with Amin's son. The Spetsnaz burst into the darkened room to find a borderline comatose Amin slumped over the bar, completely defenseless. There is no conclusive account on what happens next. >> There's no settled view, but there are various stories from various Russian witnesses and I think there's some Afghan witnesses, but of course in the mayhem nobody knew what was going on. Nobody has the definitive account because it wasn't possible. So there are various accounts that he was shot and his son was shot deliberately, that they were accidentally shot. One of the Soviet doctors who went to help him was also shot. In a situation like that all sorts of stuff happens and nobody knows what's going on. >> Some insist that the Spetsnaz identified Amin from a photograph and executed him. Some say a former Afghan government official pulled the trigger to give the Soviets plausible deniability that they had not assassinated the president of Afghanistan. Nonetheless, Amin is killed and his body wrapped in a carpet for transport to the ground floor. The Soviets now begin mopping up operations as whatever resistance collapses. A Zenith officer later recalled, "Suddenly, the shooting stopped. I reported by radio that the palace had been taken, but there were many dead and wounded, and that the main thing was ended." >> They were all exhausted there actually. They completely [music] zoned out after the battle. They'd lost quite a lot of people and they were all lying around in the palace in a state of collapse. And then they suddenly heard something coming along the corridors and they all sprang to their arms and they found it was [music] a cat. I mean they had actually won the battle but they were still very edgy, needless to say. >> 150 prisoners from Amin's personal guard are rounded up while the remaining commandos set up a perimeter certain that the Afghans will soon be back. However, no counterattacks are made and Operation Storm 333 is over. The operation is a success. President Hafizullah Amin has been assassinated and his chosen replacement, Babrak Karmal, is flown into Kabul to assume power. Despite attacking a force almost five times their number, the Soviets have suffered just nine dead and 69 wounded who are taken by armored vehicle to the Soviet Embassy in Kabul. Having not been told of the operation, one of the vehicles is shot at by Embassy guards as it attempts to enter through the main gate, but no men are killed. By comparison, the Afghans have lost between 200 and 250 men killed in action and 2,000 are taken prisoner. Colonel Kozlov and his planning staff are given a private audience with Soviet leadership in Moscow and are praised for their success. Kabul is fully occupied by the end of the following day and Soviet Army divisions and aviation pour into the country. There is some resistance to Soviet ground forces in the capital by forces loyal to Amin, but these small pockets are soon crushed. >> Because it has been portrayed as a big success and as it was a success in the way that they achieved the goal of this operation in particular, that they did get the president killed and they were able to replace him with Babrak Karmal who was the chosen successor. So, in that sense, it was a big success and probably also that's how both Soviet average Soviet people who would see it. >> A pre-recorded message plays on Kabul radio on the 27th of December which proudly states, "Today, the torture machine of Amin has been smashed. He had been sentenced to death at a revolutionary trial for crimes against the state and the sentence had been carried out." The next day, Babrak Karmal assumes his new position as chairman of the Revolutionary Committee of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Amin's body is buried in an unmarked grave near the Tajbeg Palace. The Soviet invasion initially brings hope that the country will be stabilized under a strong central government. Some Afghan civilians welcome the invaders with flowers even in the volatile rural areas. As a whole, the Afghans are glad to be rid of Amin and his despotic regime. Although Operation Storm 333 has been a successful special forces raid, it is only the first clash in a misguided war. Although the new president Karmal is considered more moderate than Amin, he cannot resist the urge to settle scores. Karmal launches his own purge of the country, which only continues the cycle of instability in Afghanistan. The jails, which were once filled with the alleged opponents of President Amin, are now overflowing with the supposed opponents of Karmal's regime. Despite the smooth start, the Soviets have greatly overestimated the Afghans' tolerance for foreign occupation. Soviet diplomat Dmitri Ryurikov is told by many of his Afghan contacts, "We are glad to see you, but you will be very well advised to leave again as soon as you can." >> And then this turned into a 10-years war with about 15,000 Soviet troops dead. Now, comparing to the current war, that is that's a very small number, but at that time it this was actually quite big. >> While the Afghans are happy Amin is gone, they soon grow wary of the new Soviet-backed government, and unrest once again spreads across the country. On the 22nd of February, 1980, a peaceful protest against the occupation springs up in Kabul. Government security forces are called in to disperse the crowds, but the protesters refuse to leave the streets. The security forces open fire, and Soviet tanks are called in to crush the demonstrations. An estimated 600 civilians are killed over the next 6 days as the protest intensifies into a full-blown uprising against Karmal's government. Writing grips the capital as Afghanistan begins to unravel yet again. Sensing that his support is teetering, Karmal decides to speed up political reforms, which includes the appointment of more non-communists to government positions, new land reforms, and making overtures to the Islamic majority. But, it is simply too late for such measures. The Afghan Civil War flares up again, but this time the DRA government can only count on 25,000 loyal soldiers to pacify the country. The invasion's original goal of preserving the Afghan army to fight the rebels has completely backfired, and Karmal has no choice but to turn to the Soviets for protection. The United States is especially keen to see the Soviet invasion fail. Not only would it politically isolate its main rival in the Cold War, but Washington is also eager to turn Afghanistan into the Soviet Union's Vietnam War. By arming the Mujahideen, US Presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan hope the conflict will mire the USSR in a costly and unwinnable war. This is exactly what Soviet leadership had hoped to avoid. Yet, Brezhnev and his advisers feel they have no choice but to step up their commitment to the Afghan government. Brezhnev's death in 1982 does not change the USSR's strategic thinking. His successors continue to funnel men and supplies into the conflict. Soviet troop levels rise to nearly 120,000 by the mid-1980s, but this large force is incapable of crushing the rebellion. The Mujahideen takes advantage of Afghanistan's mountainous topography and dominates the rural territories. The bloody war lasts for 9 years until the Soviets finally withdraw in 1988, having suffered up to 26,000 casualties. The conflict is absolutely devastating to the Afghan population and between 1 and 3 million Afghans are killed. It is estimated that up to 46% of civilian casualties during the war are caused by indiscriminate bombing of population centers by the Soviet military. The aftermath of the war is calamitous for all sides of the conflict. For the Soviet Union, its intervention in Afghanistan is a major political defeat which undermines Soviet prestige at home and abroad. Many countries in the Eastern Bloc see the war as proof that the USSR is not invincible and the Soviet sphere of influence begins to crumble. The Soviet civilian population is initially supportive of the invasion, but public criticism grows to unprecedented levels as newspaper correspondents openly denounce the war. One writer compared service in Afghanistan with being sent to a forced labor camp. Two veterans of the war will later conclude the word Afghanistan will be associated for many years in the consciousness of honest Soviet citizens with the shame of the Soviet people, a stain on the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the blood of our boys and the incomprehensible tasks that were given to them and with the hatred of those who sent us into the Afghan quagmire and raised up so much hatred towards us. >> If we're going to pick one war that Moscow has been involved in as the Soviet Union's Vietnam, it would be [music] this. >> Afghanistan is left in utter ruin following the evacuation of Soviet ground forces in 1989. The country suffers through more civil wars, which bring communist rule to [music] an end and usher in the Taliban. The long tragedy of Afghanistan continues well into the 21st century. The Taliban is overthrown in 2001 by a US-led invasion, which is then followed by 20 years of guerrilla fighting against yet another foreign occupation. In 2021, coalition forces withdraw and the Taliban regains power. Thanks again to Sir Rodric Braithwaite, former British diplomat who served as the British Ambassador to Russia from 1988 to 1992 and author of Afghan sie, The Russians in Afghanistan 1979 to 89. Also to Dr. Thor Bukkvoll, political scientist and a senior research fellow at the Norwegian Defense Research Establishment and author of Spetsnaz, A History of the Soviet and Russian Special Forces.