Transcript
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It's the 6th of June 1944 and nearly
150,000 Allied troops storm Normandy.
The infantry fight their way through the
rough cold surf to reach the beaches and
engage the German defenders up close.
Tanks and warships provide heavy fire to
blast through concrete imp placements
and bunkers.
Support troops follow up with the
necessary equipment to keep the advance
moving.
The fighting is fierce, but by the end
of D-Day, Allied forces are established
on all five beaches and have begun to
push inland.
The victory of the first day of
Operation Overlord was not only won on
the beaches and by Allied paratroopers
jumping the night before and by the
months of bombing of French railways and
bridges and the training and preparation
that took place to attack the beaches of
Normandy, but also work began years
earlier with the making of plans of
where and when to land troops for the
Allied return to France.
Also crucial to the success of the
landings was stopping the Germans from
finding out where the attack would be
and stopping German reinforcements from
easily reaching Normandy once the
landings began.
How did all this come together? In this
episode, we explore how the Allies
planned for D-Day, how the Allies
limited the Germans ability to reinforce
Normandy, the impact of the French
resistance on the landings, and why the
Allies chose the 6th of June 1944 as the
date to launch Operation Overlord.
The role of air power to clear the way
in preparation for D-Day is often one of
the most underappreciated elements of
the invasion.
As author Donald Miller wrote in his
book, Masters of the Air, the German
Vermart would fight a brilliant
defensive battle in Normandy, but its
fate was almost pre-ordained when Allied
air power won the Battle of the Buildup
before the invasion began.
In order for D-Day to succeed, the
invasion area needed to be sealed off so
enemy reinforcements could not disrupt
the landings or attack the beach head in
force in the following weeks.
To achieve this goal, the transportation
plan was created, which is arguably the
most successful bombing campaign of the
Second World War.
The transportation plan was the
culmination of a much larger air
operation to support Operation Overlord.
On the 14th of June 1942, the British
and American combined chiefs of staff
issued the point blank directive, which
called for a massive strategic bombing
campaign against Nazi Germany.
The objective of point blank was to win
air superiority over Europe by
destroying the German Luftvafa.
But there were debates about which
approach should be used for the
campaign.
The commander of Royal Air Force Bomber
Command, Air Chief Marshall Sir Arthur
Harris favored a strategy of area
bombing German cities in nighttime
raids.
This plan was created with the intention
of destroying German warf production and
urban areas to negatively impact German
civilian morale, thus causing a drop in
production.
Brigadier General Ira Akre, commander of
the United States 8th Air Force, the
American Strategic Boing Force based in
Britain, believed that only precision
daylight strikes against key industrial
targets could bring the LUvfafa to its
knees.
Over the next year and a half, both
strategies were put to the test.
The combined bomber offensive saw the
eighth air force bombing by day while
bomber command struck at night. With
both approaches having mixed results,
the eighth air force suffered
unsustainable losses during 1943 and
failed to the German aircraft
industry.
But the daytime raids significantly
weakened the Luftwaffer's fighter
strength. As a consequence, German
Minister of Armaments Albert Spare was
forced to retool the Reich's war
industry while fighter units were
recalled from the Eastern Front and
Italy to reinforce the home defenses.
The RAF's area bombing campaign caused
devastating destruction to the broader
German economy. Of particular note was
the firebombing of Hamburg in summer of
1943 which caused a drop in German
civilian morale due to the high level of
destruction on the German home front.
However, the German populace proved more
resilience than Harris expected and did
not cause an outright surrender. By
early 1944, Allied high command believed
neither Harris nor Akre had the right
strategy to end the war or support
Operation Overlord.
General Dwight D. Eisenhower was
appointed Supreme Allied Commander in
December of 1943, which gave him
authority over Operation Overlord.
However, this did not give him full
authority over Anglo-American air
forces, the command of which he saw as
absolutely necessary to give the
invasion the best chance of success.
Eisenhower's friend and commanding
general of the US Army Air Forces,
General Henry Hap Arnold, supported
Eisenhower, having control over all
Anglo-American air forces for Overlord.
Eisenhower's plan faced opposition from
British Prime Minister Winston
Churchill, who was reluctant to release
British aircraft for use solely related
to Overlord.
He intended for Britain's bomber command
to only support Overlord operations from
time to time.
Eisenhower spent the next four months
pushing for control over the bombers of
the strategic air forces.
As a way to smooth over the inevitable
disagreements, RAF Air Chief Marshall
Sir Arthur Tedar was named the deputy
commander of Overlord.
The leader of the successful air war in
the Mediterranean, Tedar's priority was
to formulate a plan which would best
support Overlord.
Air Chief Marshall Sir Trafford Lee
Mallalerie, commander of the Allied
Expeditionary Air Forces, would execute
the plan when the invasion came.
Even with the appointment of Tedar,
Churchill was still resistant to turn
over bomber command to Eisenhower's
Control for Overlord.
This is John M. Curatollah, senior
historian at the National World War II
Museum and the author of Armies Afloat:
How the Development of Amphibious
Operations in Europe helped win World
War II.
This was the crescendo moment, the most
pivotal events not only in the war, but
I would argue in the 20th century, but
that's a whole another argument. And the
air failed to realize that it really
kind of came not to blows, but it came
to, you know, doctrinal strife between
the air component and the LA force
commander, i.e. Ike to the point where
he has to make the argument, you know,
either I get control of all assets or to
use his quote, I will simply go home.
You know, either I'm the allied force
commander or I'm not.
>> Churchill, faced with no choice,
relented.
Ted sought the advice of Sulli
Zuckerman, a civilian researcher and
anatomy professor. On the 10th of
January 1944, Duckerman along with
another AEAF planner, Air Commodore
Edgar Kingston Mcccluffrey, produced
their first draft of what would become
the transportation plan. A pragmatist at
heart, Zuckermanman argued that the best
way to utilize the allies tactical and
strategic air assets was to paralyze
enemy movement in northern France.
The heavy bombers would hit large
targets such as railroad marshalling
yards and repair shops, while tactical
fighter bombers were better suited to
strike bridges and locomotives.
It was a straightforward, simple
strategy intended to prevent enemy
reinforcements from reaching Normandy
and hinder resupply of the units already
there. Furthermore, it would be much
safer for the bomber crews to strike
targets in France, where enemy air
defenses were weaker and the bomber
streams would have fighter cover.
Eisenhower liked the transportation
plan. He was acutely aware that his
invasion forces would rely upon
vulnerable sea lanes for resupply while
the enemy could use the modern French
and Belgian railway systems to bring up
men and material.
It would make the establishment of a
firm beach head much easier in the
critical first days after landing in
Normandy if the air forces could
pulverize those transportation networks.
Once the allies had landed, they would
be in a race against time to build up as
much strength as possible before
breaking out into the French
countryside.
If the Vermart was able to bring in
enough reinforcements before this
buildup was finished, they could keep
the Allies bottled up on the beaches
indefinitely.
The disruption of the logistical network
to Normandy was essential to winning
this battle.
Yet, Zuckermanman's proposal had its
detractors.
The transportation plan was poorly
received by both air chief marshall
Harris and General Carl Spatz, the new
commanderin-chief of US strategic air
forces in Europe who had taken over from
Akre.
>> One of the big problems that existed was
was really internal from the standpoint
of the strategic bombing campaign and
the combined bomber offensive going
[music] deep and going long to affect
German industry and more importantly
morale from an American standpoint.
Army Air Forces wasn't interested in
supporting using their 4G engine bombers
for the landings in Normandy. And this
got to be a contentious point between
Ike and Spots who is you know head of US
strategic air forces because they see
this as a drain on their resources in
terms of their primary mission and they
really thought that the version of the
strategic campaign lessened its effect
and failed to realize in my opinion that
the D-Day landings were the main effort
for the allies. this had to happen.
>> Harris stubbornly insisted that bomber
command should not be diverted from what
he saw as its main task, destroying
cities, arguing, "It is clear that the
best and indeed the only efficient
support which bomber command can give to
overlord is the intensification of
attacks on suitable industrial centers
in Germany. If we attempt to substitute
for this process attacks on gun imp
placements, beach defenses,
communications, or dumps in occupied
territory, it would lead directly to
disaster.
One of Harris's main concerns before the
transportation had begun was that his
bombers would not be able to hit
marshalling yards at night, arguing that
the target requirements cannot be
fulfilled, and I am compelled to disavow
any responsibility for the consequences
which their non-fulfillment will entail.
In response, the RAF dispatched bomber
command to hit six marshalling yards in
France as an experiment to see if Harris
was right.
From the 6th to the 24th of March 1944,
the RAF launched 1,26 bombers against
these targets.
The results were stunning. All six
marshalling yards were deemed to be
destroyed by post strike reconnaissance.
Only six bombers failed to return.
Ultimately, Arthur Harris was a realist
and by February had privately accepted
that he would have no choice but to
support Zuckermanman's plan.
Ted was satisfied that despite his
reservations, Harris would loyally carry
out his orders.
SP was also unhappy and took a different
approach in submitting his own idea.
Spans wanted to attack Germany's fuel
industry, therefore forcing the Luftvafa
to protect it and denying the Vermark
the oil it would need to defend
Normandy.
He believed through the strategy of
bombing the extremely vulnerable
synthetic oil facilities, he could kill
two birds with one stone.
The Lufafa would have to come out and
fight where it could be destroyed by
escorting fighters while much needed oil
production was destroyed. SP's
plan became known as the oil plan. It
was an attractive option because it
would only require half of the USAF's
bomber strength. The rest could be used
in support of Zuckermanman's proposal.
Spans's plan had significant backers,
including General Arnold and Churchill.
Eisenhower carefully considered the
arguments for the oil plan, while Tedar
and British Air Chief of Staff Charles
Portal were skeptical.
Ultimately, it was the reputation of
bomber command and the eighth air force
to exaggerate successes which led to the
adoption of the transportation plan over
the oil plan. Ted wrote a portal saying,
"We've been led up the garden path
before in reference to the many
war-winning promises that both American
and British bomber chiefs had made
before. Neither Harris's strategy of
area bombing nor the eighth air force's
daylight missions had inflicted a mortal
blow against the Lufafa.
Eisenhower and the rest of his staff
could no longer wait for decisive
results after so many disappointments.
On the 25th of March 1944, Supreme
Allied Commander Eisenhower ruled for
Zuckermanman.
Spatz was disappointed, but his senior
target officer, Richard Doy Hughes,
later wrote, "If Eisenhower had asked
him to drop his bombs in the Arctic
Ocean on D-Day, he would have complied."
SPATZ was also somewhat satisfied with a
commitment from Portal and Eisenhower
that the oil plan could be implemented
in force after Overlord was a success.
To further appease him, a handful of
raids against German synthetic oil
plants and the Pesh oil fields in
Romania were authorized before D-Day.
The transportation plan faced opposition
from a familiar source.
After receiving estimates that the
transportation plan would lead to
160,000 civilian casualties, Winston
Churchill worried that the campaign
would lead to a legacy of hate towards
the Allies from the French.
After consulting the commander of the
free French forces in the United
Kingdom, Major General Pierre Koig, he
told Churchill, "This is war, and it is
to be expected that people will be
killed. We would take twice the
anticipated loss to be rid of the
Germans."
On the 15th of April, the final version
of the Overlord Air Plan was adopted.
The transportation plan was a go.
The first official raid of the
transportation plan took place on the
6th of March 1944 during the RAF's
experimental phase in bombing
marshalling yards, but the pace
significantly picked up following the
15th of April. Air Marshal Lee
Mallalerie had over 20,000 tactical and
strategic aircraft which he unleashed on
the French transportation network. Over
the next two months, Bomber Command
along with the US 8th and 9th Air Forces
pounded railroad marshalling yards,
repair shops, [music] bridges, and
moving locomotives in one of history's
most devastating displays of aerial
bombardment.
German military camps, airfields,
ammunition dumps, and coastal batteries
were also hit hard. In the weeks prior
to the actual landings themselves, 84%
of the eighth air force's missions are
in direct support of the cross channel
invasion.
>> Although the strategic bombers expended
the heaviest ordinance, the tactical air
forces did just as much, if not more,
damage to the enemy transportation
system.
The US 9th Air Force's Fighter Command,
led by Major General Pete Cassada, ran
rampant in the French countryside,
hunting for moving trains and their
rolling stock.
Fighter bombers such as the American P47
Thunderbolt and the British Hawker
Typhoon made quick work out of the
vulnerable locomotives, often causing
spectacular explosions when they
targeted the steam engine with rockets
or cannon fire.
From the 20th to the 28th of May, the
RAF's second tactical air force and the
US AAF 9th Air Force launched Operation
Chattanooga Chuchu, named after the
popular wartime song, with the aim of
destroying as many locomotives as
possible.
Over 1,200 aircraft bombed and strafed
trains across northern France and
Germany, bringing the French railway
system to its knees. One of the reports
is that that they're so effective in
hitting trains that uh engineers stop
showing up to work because it's shown to
be dangerous work because the RAF and
the Army Airore is out there looking for
train movement around Belgium, France,
and adjacent areas.
>> While successful in destroying enemy
transportation capabilities, the raid
did take a toll on those living near the
targets.
Approximately 12,000 French and Belgian
civilians were killed by the bombing,
while thousands more were wounded or
made homeless.
Although it was almost 10 times fewer
casualties than had been predicted by
Churchill, it was a steep price to pay
to prepare Western Europe for
liberation.
>> The French people did not blame the
allies. Yes, you killed my family or you
destroyed my farm, whatever the case may
be. But many of them saw that as the
price of liberation.
>> German propaganda seized upon the heavy
losses and French newspapers under
German control printed headline stories
about the bombing of civilians.
A 20th of April headline from a Paris
newspaper read, "Thusic evening's raid
on Paris and its suburbs supersedes in
horror any preceding massacres."
The raids aided German propaganda
minister Joseph Gerbles, who was
determined to force a rift between the
Allies by accusing them of terror
bombing French and Belgian civilians.
The Allies kept a close eye on these
developments, hoping to avoid the legacy
of hate feared by Churchill. Eisenhower
and Lee Mallalerie agreed to drop
leaflets over some targets warning
civilians to evacuate. But not all urban
areas received advanced warning. Pilot
John Prior of the RAF's 617 Squadron
later wrote about how he tried to avoid
civilian casualties as much as possible.
It made us see things in a different
light, conscious of how accurate we had
to be. Any target we missed meant we
could be hitting the French people.
Despite the heightened concern over
accurate bombing along with radio
broadcasts and leaflet drops urging
civilians to leave, the French and
Belgian people would continue to suffer
under the bombs.
When Operation Overlord finally went
ahead on the 6th of June 1944, the
transportation plan had been an
undeniable success.
By D-Day, at least 75% of all the
railways within 170 mi of Normandy were
unusable.
In total, Allied aircraft dropped a
total of 71,000 tons of bombs on the
French rail network.
From the 20th of May to the 5th of June,
the final intensive phase of the
campaign, tactical fighter bombers
destroyed at least 475 locomotives and
cut the French rail system at 150
different points.
By the last week of May, nearly every
single rail crossing over the river Sen
had been closed.
Losses were astoundingly light when
compared to the first years of the air
war. Of the 21,949
sorties dispatched to bomb
transportation targets from the 9th of
February to D-Day, only 51 aircraft were
shot down and another 29 damaged. This
was a loss rate of [music] 0.2%.
The air campaign included a measure of
deception to aid in the success of
Operation Overlord to confuse the enemy
as to where the invasion would come. For
every time Normandy was bombed, the
Pardala area would be hit twice.
It also succeeded in curtailing
construction of the Atlantic Wall,
Germany's extensive network of coastal
defenses and fortifications.
Without any large shipments of good
quality steel or concrete, the German
tote organization was forced to use
inferior material while other
construction projects were abandoned
entirely.
At least 49 coastal batteries were hit
while the destruction of radar
installations, wireless telegraphs, and
navigation stations paralyzed enemy
communications.
The constant bombing of the railway
network forced 18,000 men of the tort
organization to cease construction of
new coastal defenses and instead repair
the damaged marshalling yards.
When the Allies landed in Normandy, they
were not able to break out of their
beach head immediately, but they had
decisively won the Battle of the
Buildup.
The German leadership would certainly
agree with this assessment.
Commanderin-chief of the Western Front,
Field Marshall Ged Von Runstead, later
told interrogators that the invasion
only succeeded due to our inability to
bring up our reserves at the proper
time.
The commander of the German army high
command, Bilhelm Kaisle, gave a similar
response.
Nobody can ever prove to me that we
would not have repelled the invasion had
not the superiority of the enemy air
force in bombers and fighters made it
impossible to throw these divisions into
the fight. When taking into
consideration the mission objective and
outcome, the transportation plan can be
considered one of the most successful
bombing campaigns of the Second World
War. In terms of of combat, that's good
enough. You weren't able to reinforce
during those precious few weeks where
the allies only had a tow hold. And so
the transportation plan in my opinion
works good enough. When you look at the
transportation plan, you know, in its
aggregate, I don't think it necessarily
has the effect they expected it to do.
But I will also make the argument that
it works good enough and that it
provides enough tactical delay. It
provides enough problems for the Germans
that they have to really uh revise some
of their plans that they have. Uh with
regard to that
>> the transportation plan did not just
rely on allied aircraft to the
logistic network that the Germans would
need to reinforce the Normandy beaches.
The French resistance played a role not
only in hindering German movement
throughout France but also in aiding the
landings themselves.
The top secret codereing project at
Bletchley Park known as Ultra gave the
Allies a distinct advantage over their
adversaries.
They were able to break German codes and
were therefore able to intercept German
communications.
However, not everything about the enemy
could be learned through Ultra, which
only referred to decryptions of German
radio and teleprinter communications.
The Allied intelligence services needed
help from those in occupied Europe to
ensure that D-Day would be successful.
Following the German victory in the
Battle of France in 1940, much of the
country came under German occupation
while the puppet Vichi regime controlled
the rest.
But German and Vichi political control
did not mean full support from the
French population.
Resistance against the German occupiers
began immediately following the 1940
armistice and only intensified
throughout the war.
The French resistance played a key role
in the preparations for the Normandy
landings.
The various resistance groups in
Normandy, although not one homogeneous
group, provided critical intelligence on
German defensive positions and sabotaged
infrastructure to prevent the enemy from
moving reinforcements in.
>> In the first few months of the
transportation plan, the French [music]
resistance will knock out about 800
locomotives, whereas the RAF and the Air
Force knocks out like 400. But after the
transportation plan gets in [music]
place, those numbers will reverse. and
the army airore will be taking out more
locomotives than the French resistance.
But this is some of the things the
French are doing.
>> French resistance groups received much
aid from the British Special Operations
Executive or S SOE
based in the United Kingdom. SOE used
three methods of communicating [music]
with the resistance radio, aircraft, and
pigeons.
Specialized radio transmitters were
often smuggled into France and used to
coordinate actions between SOE and the
various resistance groups.
These would sometimes be brought into
the occupied country by sea, but mostly
by air. Aircraft such as the Westlander
would leave southern England and arrive
in France at night to drop supplies or
land at makeshift air strips, bringing
in people and equipment.
The US8th Air Force also played a role
here through the so-called carpet bagger
missions.
The American 801st Bombardment Group
flew modified B-24 Liberators which
could drop larger amounts of supplies as
well as undercover agents.
By June of 1944, the Allies flew over
850 supply missions every month to
support the French resistance.
However, these means of communication
were not always available or reliable.
Weather would often prevent missions
from taking place, and downed pilots ran
the risk of being captured and tortured
by the Gestapo.
Furthermore, the Gestapo along with the
ABV, German military intelligence, would
often listen in on radio communications.
The Advare did this through Operation
Donor, a special program in which
specialized directionfinding units
intercepted resistance radio messages
and then hunted them down with the help
of a centralized control station.
This forced resistance radio teams to
constantly move their transmitters to
avoid detection.
But at least 10% of these resistance
teams were discovered by German
intelligence.
When conditions prevented communication
by aircraft or radio, homing pigeons
were employed instead.
Throughout the war, the British National
Pigeon Service bred and raised 200,000
pigeons, which were remarkably good at
their jobs. One particular pigeon
traveled 1,090 mi from Gibralta to
London in 28 days, a record distance for
a pigeon in the Second World War.
Pigeons were also simple to use. A
message would be tied to their leg and
the animal, when released, would return
to its roost.
One of the pigeon's most important
functions was to facilitate
communication between Allied
intelligence and the French resistance.
Beginning in 1941, British intelligence
began dropping homing pigeon containers
across Western Europe. Drawings and
architectural plans for the Atlantic
wall defenses were sent back to London
via Pigeon, where Allied intelligence
would match these drawings with
reconnaissance photographs.
Also, small questionnaires inquiring
about German defenses and local forces
were included with the containers for
civilians in occupied countries to fill
out.
These pigeons often fell into German
hands and a counter intelligence effort
began as Abbe officers would fill out
the questionnaires with false
information.
From 1942 to 1944, 16,54
pigeons were dropped into occupied
Europe and 1,842
were returned to the United Kingdom. It
is unknown to this day how many returned
with useful information versus bogus
information.
Unfortunately, the Germans figured out
the importance of homing pigeons to the
resistance.
>> They would employ hawks to go after the
pigeons or they would also issue
shotguns to uh some of the troops too to
take down any carrier pigeons that might
be flying around.
>> One of the pigeons shot by the Germans
could have made a difference had it
reached Britain.
Failing to spot the 352nd Infantry
Division had major consequences for the
landings.
The division was one of the few mobile
Vermont units in Normandy and had been
transferred from their staging area
around the town of Sanlow to the
Normandy coast 3 months prior to the
invasion.
The local resistance was well aware of
this movement and sent out several
homing pigeons to warn the Allies.
However, German anti-pigeon patrols and
the arrest of several resistance members
doomed this effort. Despite the
difficulties in using birds to carry
vital information, the use of pigeons
for planning D-Day is one of the more
unheralded episodes of the Second World
War.
How the French resistance gained the
information about the defenses in
Normandy was a complicated and risky
process that put many lives at stake.
The resistance cells in Normandy were
loosely organized and their contribution
to the invasion varied. According to
historian Steven Zaloga, some groups
specialized in espionage, others in
political agitation and some in direct
actions, military raiding. The alliance
network was one of the most active. It
was led by Lust.
Alliance had three cells in Normandy
which operated in Verville Shumeare on
the future Omaha Beach, Porto Basan at
Gold Beach and the city of Bayer less
than 10 mi inland of the landing
beaches. Throughout the war around 20
civilians assisted the Alliance
resistance cell and an estimated 180
individuals helped the resistance in
Normandy.
Despite the German occupation forces
sealing off the coast to civilians,
other than to those who lived there and
those delivering mail, vital
intelligence was still gathered about
the beach defenses.
The alliance group was able to gain
access to the restricted coastal area
due to many of its members being postmen
enabling them to scout the beach
defenses.
Also, French construction firms did most
of the work on the Atlantic Wall, and
French Moroccan workers passed on vital
information to the resistance.
The Alliance Cell scouted most of the
major German fortifications on the
western end of Normandy, including the
artillery batteries at Maisy, Longare,
and Point Duh Hawk, along with the
defenses on Omaha Beach itself.
French laborers constructing the
defenses also provided valuable
information to the resistance and
carried out small acts of sabotage.
As one example, French workers would
often pour quick lime into cement
mixtures which would make the German
concrete fortifications brittle and
prone to collapse.
Alliance worked with another network
loan civil military or OCM based in
Bayer. The OCM focused primarily on
intelligence gathering as their
resources were too limited to undertake
military operations.
The network gathered information
concerning German equipment, fuel
depots, the size and origin of units,
the locations of minefields, and details
of fortifications.
The information gathered was turned into
maps for the allies to use.
Gon Merkadair, a former soldier in the
foreign legion, was a member of the OCM.
As a former professional cyclist, he was
able to get permission from the Germans
to cycle around Normandy obstinately for
training purposes, but he was really
gathering intelligence and passing
messages.
As he continued to work with the OCM,
Meadair was asked to organize the entire
internal network in the Bessan region,
particularly in Corsul, Porton, Bessan,
Grant, Messi, Aramash, and Iseni.
One of Meadair's responsibilities was to
take the information gathered and make
extremely detailed maps. This program
was cenamed Bigot to guide the Allied
invaders after landing.
In October of 1943, Robert Deon, the
head of the OCM network, left Bayer
under the risk of arrest by the Gestapo.
From December 1943 onward, there were no
more new recruits as the danger was too
great. The Gestapo was looking for a
certain individual cenamed Messier, who
was none other than Guill Meade.
He nevertheless continued his activities
and was never caught by the Gestapo. He
met Allied troops when Bayer was
liberated.
Disaster struck the Alliance cell on the
14th of March 1944 when a liaison
officer from the cell was arrested by
the Gestapo in Paris.
German counter intelligence quickly
zeroed in on the resistance in Normandy
and began rounding up suspected
underground members.
The leader of the alliance cell in
Verville, Desiree Lumierre, was aware
that the resistance was now living off
borrowed time, and his small group
increased the tempo of their actions.
More pigeons were sent out detailing the
buildup of German forces in the area,
including the arrival of the 352nd
Infantry Division in the Omaha Beach
sector. According to author Steven Zoga,
at least one pigeon detailing the move
of the 352nd Infantry Division may have
made it to London. On the 3rd of June
1944, a report possibly containing
information from the French resistance
delivered by Pigeon gave a warning that
the 352nd division had likely been moved
to the coast to reinforce the divisions
already manning the defenses.
Questions over the validity of the
source of the information may have
limited the circulation to higher
commanders.
Further evidence suggests that even if
senior commanders had known that the
352nd division had been discovered in
the Omaha Beach sector, it was far too
late to make any major changes to the
plan. The forward inertia of planning
ensured that the attack would have to go
ahead as scheduled.
On the 5th of May 1944, Lumiere and his
group were arrested and imprisoned in
the local Gestapo headquarters.
They were among the 73 prisoners
murdered at the K prison on the 6th of
June 1944.
Alliance members Antoine Duche, Robert
Dwin, G Sol, and George Tomin were also
murdered.
Osia members Henri Liar and his son
Alexis Liar were also killed.
Some of the executed were arrested after
a locomotive was derailed on the 1st of
May 1944.
The youngest victim of the massacre,
Colbear Marie, was only 17 years old. He
wrote a plea on a handkerchief in his
own blood for his mother to save him.
Although the German counter inelligence
efforts were able to round up many
members of the resistance in Normandy
and had success in stopping pigeons from
reaching Britain, plenty of the
information made it to Allied
intelligence to influence the events on
D-Day.
The architectural drawings which made it
across the channel were extremely
detailed and Allies planners were able
to mark individual obstacles and
fortifications with pinpoint accuracy.
Although reconnaissance flights were
useful in locating enemy defenses, they
could not determine the contents of
bunkers and blockhouses, nor the
thickness of concrete.
It was the drawing smuggled out of
France which gave the planners an idea
of the thickness of certain concrete
bunkers, which ones contained machine
guns or anti-tank guns, and how many men
would be inside.
The French resistance in Normandy
suffered many losses by the time the
allies landed, but they had provided
essential information on the state of
German defenses and the units defending
the coastline.
Their sacrifice ensures the allies had
the best possible intelligence on enemy
fortifications and certainly saved many
lives on D-Day.
the resistance really does kind of
provide some of that grassroots
harassment, but more importantly the
intelligence piece on that. But one of
the things that's really significant
when you get to the Normandy invasion is
that the resistance can provide all
kinds of really useful information about
German dispositions, strength,
locations, construction, infrastructure.
you know what the Germans have laid here
and built in this part of France to aid
the allies in terms of targeting and
that is significant.
>> But despite all preparations, training
and pre-invasion attacks on the
infrastructure in France, there was one
thing the Allies could not control, the
weather.
Almost nothing was left a chance as the
allies embarked upon the largest
amphibious invasion in history.
The work of the French resistance and
the allied air forces with the
transportation plan allowed the allies
to control many of the factors in the
upcoming assault. There was however one
key factor they could do nothing about
the weather. The weather on the 6th of
June was far from ideal. The landing
craft and duplex drive swimming tanks
were tossed around by rough seas, many
sinking before they reached the shore.
To make matters worse, the overcast
weather limited close air support and
hampered the pre-invasion aerial
bombardment.
The Allies managed to establish a firm
beach head by the end of D-Day despite
these difficulties. But why did they
choose to land in these subpar
conditions?
To understand why the allies went ahead
on the 6th of June, many crucial
decisions were made prior to the
invasion.
Planning for Operation Overlord began
following the Casablanca Conference in
January of 1943.
Allied leaders confirmed their
commitment to a cross channel invasion
of German occupied France, but clashed
on the timing and strategy. In March,
Lieutenant General Frederick Morgan of
the British Army was assigned as Chief
of Staff Supreme Allied Commander or
COSAC. He drafted the initial invasion
plan with the expectation that the
operation would commence on the 1st of
May 1944.
Morgan's initial plan formed the basis
for the eventual invasion. It identified
Normandy as the primary landing point,
called for a massive deception
operation, and advocated for the use of
artificial harbors along with airborne
landings.
However, Supreme Allies Commander,
General Dwight Eisenhower, and General
Bernard Montgomery, commander-in-chief
of Allied ground forces, believed not
enough men were committed to the initial
assault. Morgan's plan called for only
three seaborn divisions and two airborne
brigades to make the attack. Eisenhower
and Montgomery revised the plan to six
seaborn divisions and three airborne
divisions in order to ensure proper
weight of numbers and firepower.
However, the decision forced the delay
of overlord by a month in order to
requisition more landing craft.
This would not have been a problem
except May of 1944 had been a month of
perfect weather conditions.
Early June would not be the same.
The date for the invasion was set for
the 5th of June. With everything in
place to launch Operation Neptune, the
amphibious assault portion of Overlord,
the only variable left was the [music]
weather.
General Morgan and the rest of the
Allied planners had set strict
conditions on which days the invasion
could be launched.
First, a full moon to allow for
illumination at night for aircraft,
especially the vital airborne drops.
This would also provide the highest and
lowest possible tides.
Second, low winds and calm seas to make
it easier for the landing craft and
duplex drive tanks to wade ashore.
Third, clear skies devoid of cloud cover
to allow Allied aircraft to provide
support to the landings.
Fourth, 17 hours of daylight to allow as
many troops to come ashore during the
day. And fifth, an inshore wind to blow
smoke away from the areas targeted by
the pre-invasion naval and aerial
bombardment. Mother nature gets a vote
not only in terms of the title
variations but also in terms of larger
meteorological effects. Wind which will
affect seaate rain which of course will
affect visibility. Same thing with cloud
ceilings and those kind of things
specifically with regard to targeting.
The man responsible for determining
whether these conditions could be met
was Group Captain James Stag of the
Royal Air Force, General Eisenhower's
Chief Meteorological Officer.
Eisenhower described Stag as a daer but
canny Scott, who fully understood the
responsibilities he had been given. Stag
was not a meteorologist by trade, nor a
soldier. He had originally worked as a
geoysicist before the war and was given
the title group captain in the RAF's
Volunteer Reserve to lend him the
necessary military authority.
From his post at Sodic House, Supreme
Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force,
Stag spent months pouring over
meteorological data sent to him from
various weather posts located around the
Atlantic Ocean. But here's a time when
you only really have weather
observations and you have to take these
weather observations in aggregate and
put together this puzzle piece of what
the weather patterns look like.
>> On the 1st of June, general imbarcation
for the invasion began with men and
material being loaded onto transport
while Royal Navy and US Navy warships
prepared to sorty from Scapper Flow in
the Ornne Islands in the north of
Scotland.
Throughout April and May, Eisenhower had
been continually testing Stag and his
weather team by demanding three-day
forecasts, which were then checked
against reality.
So far, Stag and his men had passed
these tests. But on the eve of D-Day, he
began to receive conflicting data.
Deep depressions had been detected
forming in the North Atlantic, which
would indicate rough seas, but the
different American and British
meteorological departments disagreed on
what this meant for the invasion.
On the afternoon of the 1st of June,
Stag informed Major General Harold Bull,
Eisenhower's assistant chief of staff,
that the situation is difficult and
complex.
With everyone in southern England on
edge, Bull lost his temper. For heaven's
sake, Stag, get it sorted out by
tomorrow morning before you come to the
Supreme Commander Conference. General
Eisenhower is a very worried man.
The decision on whether to proceed with
the invasion rested solely upon
Eisenhower's shoulders. The Supreme
Commander had three basic options.
Launch the operation, launch after a
24-hour provisional postponement, or
cancel and await developments after 2
weeks.
The 24-hour postponement was considered
by many to be the riskiest option, as
this meant that the ships already headed
for Normandy would have to return to
port.
The warships leaving Scappa Flow would
have to do the same. But this could only
be done once without needing to refuel.
Above all else, the chances of the
invasion fleet being spotted by enemy
reconnaissance aircraft or patrol ships
would increase exponentially.
Eisenhower was concerned that a
postponement would cause the soldiers in
the first waves to lose their fighting
edge.
He did not want them stuck aboard the
cramped transport ships for too long.
At the 10:00 a.m. morning conference on
the 2nd of June, Stag was forced to
repeat that he did not have any new
developments on the weather, much to the
chagrin of Eisenhower and his staff.
The decision to postpone or cancel the
invasion had to be made by the following
evening or it would be too late to
recall the ships already on route to
Normandy.
Stag once again canvased his staff and
once again found a deadlocked consensus.
The British meteorological teams were
nervous about the prospect of storms.
While the Americans were optimistic that
the operation could proceed.
Snag later remembered, "Had it not been
fraught with such potential tragedy, the
whole business was ridiculous.
In less than half an hour, I was
expected to present to General
Eisenhower an agreed forecast for the
next 5 days, which covered the time of
the launching of the greatest military
operation ever mounted.
No two of the expert participants in the
discussion could agree on the likely
weather, even for the next 24 hours.
At the 9:30 p.m. conference on the 2nd
of June, Eisenhower began the
proceedings with, "Well, Stag, what have
you got for us this time?" Trusting his
gut, Stag responded, "The whole
situation from the British Isles to Newf
Finland has been transformed in recent
days and is now potentially full of
menace." He proceeded to describe a
bleak picture of the weather for the 4th
to the 5th of June.
The officers present could not believe
this forecast, some glancing out of the
window at the picture perfect day.
you're just a group captain and here are
these guys that are, you know, field
marshals and generals that have
differing opinions and to stick to your
gun in terms of of the human dimension
piece of this, you know, and I think
that kind of speaks to the group
captain's, you know, character itself,
but to go with what he thinks is right,
not what the room temperature is, if you
get my drift on that.
When asked by Eisenhower if the
situation would improve on the 6th or
7th of June, Stag responded plainly, "If
I answered that, sir, I would be
guessing, not behaving as your
meteorological adviser."
The Supreme Commander adjourned the
conference without making a decision,
waiting until the following day for more
data.
Stag's intuition proved to be correct.
On the morning of the 3rd of June,
barometers began to fall across the
North Atlantic, while the weather posts
in Ireland reported gale force winds and
low cloud cover. Armed with this
knowledge, he recommended Eisenhower
postpone the invasion.
With a heavy heart, the order went out
for a provisional postponement.
The warships and convoys were turned
around while destroyers were sent out to
retrieve any landing craft without
radios and shepherd them back to port.
Operation Neptune rested on a knife's
edge. If the weather did not improve in
the next 48 hours, the invasion would
have to be pushed back 2 weeks when the
tidal conditions would be right again.
Morale and secrecy were in jeopardy
after so much careful planning.
Stag awoke on the morning of the 4th of
June to another beautiful day with no
wind. The horrified chief meteorological
officer wondered if he had forecast
wrong and could not face his fellow
officers at breakfast.
However, he felt some measure of relief
when the predicted storm rolled in later
in the afternoon. battering Sodic House
with rain and high winds.
Despite the suddenly wretched weather,
Stag soon received welcome news. At the
9:30 p.m. conference, he faced the
leadership as a new man. Gentlemen,
since I presented the forecast last
evening, some rapid and unexpected
developments have occurred over the
North Atlantic.
there would be a gap in the bad weather
on the evening of the 5th of June
lasting for up to 36 hours. Stag
cautioned Eisenhower that the weather
would not be ideal but it would be good
enough for an amphibious landing.
A spirited discussion followed. Admiral
Bertran Ramsay, the naval commander of
the Allied Expeditionary Force, made it
clear that they had to decide in the
next 30 minutes if the invasion would go
ahead or else his warships would [music]
have to be recalled again. Air Chief
Marshall Sir Trafford Lee Mallalerie,
the air commanderin-chief, expressed
concern that the bombers and fighter
bombers would have bad visibility and
proposed cancellation.
Finally, Eisenhower turned to Montgomery
and asked, "Do you see any reason why we
should not go on Tuesday?"
Montgomery responded immediately, "No, I
would say go."
Eisenhower pondered for a second before
saying, "I'm quite positive we must give
the order. I don't like it, but there it
is. I don't see how we can possibly do
anything else."
He ended the conference and ordered Stag
to report again at 4:15 a.m. the next
morning to confirm the weather.
The chief meteorologist Julie returned
early on the morning of the 5th of June
with a confident report.
The weather forecast had held and his
recommendation stood. With wind and rain
continuing to batter Southern House,
Eisenhower once again pulled his staff.
Montgomery was impatient to get on with
it while Ramsay deferred to Lee
Mallalerie.
The air chief was still uneasy but
finally said he was willing to proceed.
The Supreme Commander smiled and
confirmed his decision. Okay, let's go.
The room erupted into cheering and the
aids at hand quickly dashed out of Savic
house to relay the orders.
A relieved Stag returned to his bedroom
to grab some muchneeded sleep.
Months prior, General Morgan had teased
him by saying, "Good luck, Stag. May all
your depressions be nice little ones,
but remember, we'll string you up from
the nearest lampost if you don't read
the omens right."
The weather prediction held and
Operation Neptune went ahead as planned.
As predicted by the meteorological team,
the conditions were not ideal, but were
good enough for the invasion of France
to be a success.
Stag and his staff were proven right in
more ways than one. Had Eisenhower
canceled the landings and gone ahead 2
weeks later between the 18th and 22nd of
June, they would have run into the worst
storm in 40 years along the Normandy
coast.
The surge and wind were so powerful that
it destroyed one of the two artificial
harbors supporting the invasion.
One member of Stag's staff, New
Zealander Lieutenant Commander Lawrence
Hogbin, later recalled, "On the 17th of
June, all six of us produced a forecast
for the 19th for almost perfect
conditions, but the invasion would have
been a complete catastrophe."
The images conjured up by D-Day are
often the fighting on the landing
beaches and beyond. Allied soldiers
struggling through surf, the bloodshed,
the glider assault on Pegasus Bridge,
and the airborne landings.
The invasion succeeded because of the
courage of young men, but also because
of months of planning, trial, and hard
choices.
>> You know, I don't know if it's luck. I
think you have competent people in
positions of power who make right
decisions. When I think that's
indicative of the allies throughout the
war, not that it always worked. That's
not what I'm saying. But I think in the
aggregate and I think Stag is one of
those guys.
>> The transportation plan crippled German
mobility over the course of three
months. The French resistance despite
terrible losses delivered vital
intelligence which saved the lives of
Allied soldiers. Group Captain Stag's
brave weather forecast under pressure
gave Eisenhower the narrowest of windows
to launch the invasion.
Together, these elements remind us that
victory in Normandy was never
inevitable.
It was engineered through coordination,
debate, compromise, and no small amount
of luck.
More than 80 years later, the planning
for Overlord still offers lessons. that
air power can be an essential element in
deciding a ground campaign, that
intelligence often comes from unexpected
places, and that even the most powerful
leaders must trust specialists when the
stakes are highest.
The assault on the beaches of Normandy
tell the story of sacrifice, but the
planning behind the assault tells the
story of foresight.
Without that foresight, the 6th of June
1944 would not be remembered as a great
victory for the Allies and the beginning
of the end of the war for Nazi Germany.
Thanks again to John Curatollah, senior
historian at the National World War II
Museum in New Orleans in Louisiana and
author of Armies Afloat: How the
Development of Amphibious Operations in
Europe helped win World War II.