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We have a divine promise from Hakadosh
Baruch Hu
that there will not be a third there
will not be a third galus.
And therefore, for sure, the State of
Israel can never, ever be destroyed. Uh
that unfortunately is not a true
statement because it's true that
Hakadosh Baruch Hu promised that the
Temple will not be destroyed a third
time, but we're not out of the second
galus. Uh we're still in the second
galus and therefore anything can happen
as it were, including Rachmana litzlan,
uh the korban of of of the Jewish state.
So the Jewish state uh indeed is in very
precarious footing.
On the other hand, we have seen over
many years already, 70 years, more than
70 years, we've seen the rachamim of
Hashem, we've seen the love of Hakadosh
Baruch Hu. So I think we have every
reason to be optimistic. I I wouldn't
put it as a promise. I don't think you
have any prophetic promise to that
effect, but I think Hashem is showing us
a track record.
Uh but once again, it also depends on
our doing our part, whether it's Torah,
mitzvos, ahavas Yisrael, whether it's
coming together. If there was any silver
lining
to a very difficult and tragic
experience that we're still going
through,
it's that it brought us together in ways
that we had not seen for many years.
Uh
well, that's the thing. If you remember
before October 7, there was this absurd
debate about judicial reform, which
somehow turned into an anti-religious
act. So I didn't understand
how that happened, but whatever it is,
all the years that the Knesset was left
us leaning without any religious
influence, uh
the secular people of Tel Aviv were
perfectly happy to talk about
pro-democracy, pro-Knesset. When there
began to be more of a religious
influence in the Knesset, the Supreme
Court became their great protector, and
when you want to want to rein in the
Supreme Court, you know, chas v'shalom,
you're creating a dictatorship and and
the like. What's so amazing is even
Biden and he should be well, Biden made
a statement that he was not in favor of
Israel limiting the power of the Supreme
Court. His proposals, which will
which will go nowhere, are many many
times more radical than whatever
[snorts] Netanyahu. He wanted to have
term limits on American Supreme Court
Justices, mandatory retirement at 75.
They would have to amend the whole
constitution. So he's criticizing
Israel's
>> [clears throat]
>> Netanyahu who would really be creating a
system very [snorts] much similar to
what the United States already has when
Netanyahu was doing something much more
radical. Okay, whatever it is. I don't
want to get into judicial reform. I mean
I Yeah, but No, no, I'm saying Biden was
criticizing Netanyahu. Okay, whatever.
>> I would focus on the hypocrisy of Biden.
>> Yeah, yeah, I I don't want to get into
judicial reform. Although I have a law
degree, so I'm interested in in those
technicalities. But the point I want to
make is it was tearing apart society.
People were talking about leaving
Israel, investors are talking about
pulling out their capital. Soldiers were
talking about not reporting to the army
and reservists were saying they weren't
going to come they came, but who knows
if that emboldened Hamas to think that
there wouldn't be a response. People
were talking about the end of the state
of Israel.
This These were seriously articulated
concerns.
Comes October 7th,
all of the sudden we love each other, we
care about each other, we're making
tzitzis for the the ones tzitzis and
tefillin and the most chareidi families
are bringing food and medicine and
barbecues and everything else. And there
was Israel, there was there was care,
there was concern.
But unfortunately, as the war drags on
and on and on and on and on,
we come back to our bad habits. Just
like an elastic band, you stretch the
band,
but at some point you let go and it just
goes back
to where it was. So unfortunately, we're
kind of coming back to where we were.
So, that's a tragedy on top of a
tragedy.
The tragedy is are the events of October
7th and the war.
But if we could grow from that, if we
could learn from that, if we could be
transformed from that, at least there
would be some redeeming quality.
If we have the tragedy and we have the
and the screen
What are we What are we left with?
What are we left with? So, that I think
is among the most saddest things. I
mean, one of the hostages who was
released
>> [clears throat]
>> I think made that statement. She She
said that um
this was an opportunity for everybody to
come
I don't think she was even religious.
She just said this was an opportunity
for the Jewish people to come together.
She even mentioned
that she was watching with her with her
captors. She She was watching TV. They
were watching a rally.
And the captor, the guy, the Arab, the
terrorist
said to her
He wasn't so happy about this.
When the Jews get together, they're very
strong. They When the Jews get together,
there's nothing they can't do.
So, so all I can say is that if we think
about
what we can try to do in the coming year
once again, I think obviously Israel
asked us to kind of show
even if you don't go into the army, but
to show that it's your sorrow, that you
commiserate, that you're no say all,
that you regard this as your struggle
also.
And open our hearts to feel the pain of
others and recognize that their pain is
really our pain. It's not even a
different pain. And in that way, we try
to be
a little bit the
that keeps us in the
and prevents the war.
A lot of Jewish life is operating on
what you might call a state of emergency
in the post Holocaust years. It's It's
amazing. What people are calling ancient
history is really history since 1945.
And that's about [snorts] it. It was
said the
who really is the is really the
architect.
It's amazing. It's very rare that you
find a virtual single person who formed
the whole cult and he wasn't the only
one but he was by far the dominant one
who formed the dominant culture and
built the sham of the Haredi world in
Eretz Yisrael was the Chazon Ish. And
the Chazon Ish had a shita that in the
aftermath of 6 million Jews dying and
and the Yeshiva severely being
destroyed, it was a state of national
emergency that required every person who
could do full-time learning to go up
into that procedure. Now, the Chazon Ish
was asked "How long do you think that
would be necessary?" He said, "At least
years."
Interestingly enough,
the time is up.
And in reality, go This goes back to the
mesorah, meaning in reality, a certain
type of cultural norm has become the
sternation, which may actually be
dysfunctional in some ways or may be
atypical. It was actually not the
mesorah of Am Yisrael.
Uh and it was adopted as a state of
emergency in the aftermath of the
Holocaust and serious thought has to be
put into whether this needs to be
modified. Now, there are some voices
that are talking about this. Even Rav
Steinman, zechrono livracha, before he
died, and he was attacked. Rav Steinman
was attacked when he departed from the
official line, right? So, even the godol
is not protected when he doesn't say the
standard line. Rav Steinman said,
"Perhaps we need to explore in our
university, that would be too much, but
parnassa institutes." Most of those were
people could
uh support their families. Rav Moshe
Heller who is right now the senior Rosh
Yeshiva in Eretz Yisrael, says, at least
quietly, that we have to recognize that
a person can be a ben Torah even if
they're not in the dolled costly Beit
Midrash and the working world. In
America, many of you might know Rav
Aaron Lopiansky who wrote a very very
fine book about ben [clears throat]
Torah for life, uh meaning how to be a
ben Torah in the working world. I think
there is a recognition that the old
paradigm is not fully working. It works
for a lot of people. It doesn't work for
other people. Let me explain this. Even
in terms of ruchniyus
>> [clears throat]
>> it's not always the best way. Not
everybody is cut out
to learn full time.
And forcing them into kollel often
creates depression. It creates a lack of
shalom bayis. It creates family tension.
It's a very difficult issue. You can't
have a one-size-fits-all
society, religious or otherwise. And I
can tell you that people are considering
options, modifications. They get
criticized. They get knocked down. It
still takes a certain amount of courage
to be willing to publicly discuss these
alternatives. But I I can tell you they
are being discussed, including army,
including army, uh including creating a
more religious units, including creating
parnassah institutes uh for bnei Torah,
which would keep senior separate men's
and women's. I mean, they have some
already, yeah, but they want to expand
it. Right now they're considered to be
chutz la'machaneh a little bit, not
fully legitimate. So, the issues you're
raising are are very very important
issues to society in Eretz Yisrael in
particular.
Uh and as I say, uh it was based on what
the Chazon Ish established as a state of
emergency in the aftermath of the
Holocaust, and somehow it became the
norm
over those 70 years. It's interesting
that people forgot about the Chazon
Ish's quotation in those 70 years, but
Jonathan Rosenblum and other people are
resuscitating it.
There is a certain element of fear
that's going on here as well, because
like this, with all of the chisronos in
the existing Chareidi system, you know,
we've created a cadre of people who are
lomdei Torah, etc., who are committed to
learning.
And you know,
within a certain framework it works.
So, now you're talking about opening up
the framework, enlarging the options.
There's a certain amount of fear that,
you know, we don't know what's going to
happen. Are people going to leave the
fold? Are they going to go off the
derech? We don't know. So, some of it is
being motivated by by fear, and the fear
in some ways might be well-founded. I
mean, that's part of it as well. Change
is always difficult. The Rambam says
there are three types of um milchemes
mitzvah. Two of them are not that
relevant today. One is the seven nations
of Canaan, so they're going There are no
Hittites around. Uh the other is Amalek.
Amalek, at least genealogically, we
can't really identify. But, the main one
is number three, lo shia Yisrael
b'yad tzar, to protect the Jewish people
from an enemy that is attacking the
Jewish people.
Based on that simple paradigm,
one would say the war against Hamas is a
milchemes mitzvah. What What would be
the argument that it's not a milchemes
mitzvah? So, someone would bring in It's
very fair. A lotion of the Rambam in the
Sefer Hamitzvos
that even a milchemes mitzvah requires a
an official declaration of war by a
melech. So, someone argue even lo shia
es Yisrael miyad tzar does not have a
shame milchemes mitzvah without a
melech. Let me say to you, that's very,
very fair because it's one thing to say
we're not going to wage war against
Amalek, we're not going to declare war
against Amalek aggressively. It's
another thing to say defensive war is
required of a melech. What if somebody
breaks into my house with a gun? I can't
do anything. Yeah. Yeah. So, that's one
problem. Uh the other issue is Rav Kook.
Rav Kook wrote First of all, Rav Kook
wrote Rav Kook, so you really wouldn't
necessarily accept him, but Rav Kook
writes that anything that requires a
melech can be satisfied by an elected
government. And And the Ramban is much
for that way as well. The Ramban in the
Sefer Hamitzvos says melech o mi
Had See Bor Masorla.
Including any type of political
leadership. Okay. But, let's raise
another aspect of the question. Let's
assume it is a Milchemes Mitzvah.
Let's not go with another requirement.
Okay.
Who has to participate
in Milchemes Mitzvah? So, everybody
quotes the Mishna in Sota that says all
of the exemptions like Chasan and Karem
and Bayis only applies to Milchemes
Reshus, but Milchemes Mitzvah Hakol
Yotzei.
Well, it's not so simple
because Hakol Yotzei is referring to the
Chasan doesn't have an exemption, etc.
Does it apply to a Talmid Chacham or
learner of Torah? Is a full-time learner
of Torah exempt from Milchemes Mitzvah?
So, someone will bring the Rambam
in Hilchos Shmita V'Yovel
where the Rambam has a loshon it's
really combining two things in the
Rambam that Shevet Levi means the tribe
that's totally devoted to Avodas Hashem
and they're not Yotzei L'Milchama even
Milchemes Mitzvah the Sifri says.
In the Torah they went out to Midian.
They they they they sure did. But, he
says what the Sifri actually says as a
general rule Milchemes Mitzvah Levi is
Patur. So, that's already a chidush a
Shevet Levi Patur. That's a big chidush.
And then they want to say the Rambam
says at the end everybody can be a
Shevet Levi even though he's not talking
about Milchemes. I mean, after all, I
can't be a Shevet Levi for everything. I
can't be a Shevet Levi to eat Ma'aser.
So, obviously the Rambam doesn't mean
everybody can be [clears throat] a Levi,
but they want to add the one and one
together. The Patur for
uh a Shevet Levi and then everybody can
become a Levi. Now, the first thing I
want to say is even if you accept that
reasoning
that does [clears throat] not translate
into a Chareidi exemption. I mean, you
have to There are two different things
going on here and they're not the same.
One is if I am learning Torah full-time,
am I obligated to go to the army? The
other is, if I'm Haredi, am I obligated
to be I mean, just because there's no
there's no Haredi exemption for
Milchemet Mitzvah, no matter what you
say. And the only argument would be it's
not a Milchemet Mitzvah. You know, that
would be the argument. They're giving
you a mil.
So,
what can I say? I mean, there are
His- His- historically,
the argument has been there was no
manpower shortage and there was just no
need for Haredim. And just like the
United States, I know, I remember
myself, uh recognized an exemption for
theological students.
The yeshivas were the most crowded in
history uh during that period of time.
Uh so too. Now, that argument is was was
a sustainable argument for a long time.
As this war is dragging on, it it
becomes less of a sustainable argument.
So, what's the other argument people
make besides the Thomas argument? They
make the argument the army's going to be
a negative influence
on our kids.
And I understand that. But, you know, it
does go both ways. I mean, there is the
Hester guys
who are wonderful makatzei Hashem. But,
but, but, there are indeed kids
There's kiruv going on in the army.
That's something people come from. But,
a lot of kids do go off the derech.
Quit So, if I'm a parent, I really get
why I would be very concerned, for sure.
The question is,
is that a halachic ptur?
As painful as as as this is to say,
>> [clears throat]
>> and I'm just saying I'm just thinking
out loud. I'm not I'm not saying
anything.
>> [snorts]
>> I'm worried what will happen to my kid
in the army. And that that may be a
legitimate Well, obviously
No, no. For physically, that's true.
That obviously I'm no better than
anybody else. But, I'm talking about
I'm I'm talking about what can you do.
The question The the
is,
is that does that fear translate
into a halachic exemption from mitzvot?
There's a lot of unfinished thoughts
here going on here that are not fully
articulated. You know, [snorts] you say
one thing and someone says, "Well, what
about my kids?" Okay.
But [snorts]
but, you know,
what's going to be? So,
I can tell you all that there's a lot of
talk going on behind closed doors.
And there is a recognition
that both for political reasons, moral
reasons, even religious and halachic
reasons, there's going to have to be
some accommodation
with the army. And of course, that does
require that the army accommodate as
well. They've done some stuff, but
there's a lot more stuff that can be
done
to make it to make it better.
And things are changing. You know, the
the the Chinese have an expression, they
have a curse, "May you live in
interesting times."
That's a curse.
And
the Haredi world is undergoing
a very, very interesting time right now
on many, many levels. The types of
schools, the introduction of some
secular studies, Parnassa institutes,
the creation of multiple options for
different types of people, our
relationship to the army.
These things have to be rethought. You
know, when Ben-Gurion agreed
to exempt religious people in 1948, this
was a condition of forming the first
government of the state of Israel. The
whole Yeshiva population in Eretz Israel
was under 400 people.
And Ben-Gurion was convinced that that
it was not going to grow. They were
going to die out and they'll disappear.
So, it's a temporary little annoying
problem that will go away in 5 to 10
years. [clears throat] So, he signed off
on it.
Baruch Hashem, in many, many ways,
Ben-Gurion was proved totally wrong.
Right.
>> And [laughter] we have the Chazon Ish,
and Brisker Rav, and all the people who
built up Ponevezh Rav, who built up
Torah in Eretz Yisrael. But, you know,
that creates a new problem, meaning the
whole predicate for all of the
exemptions has less of a justification
today, and therefore things have to be
rethought. So, all I can tell you is
that we're in a big, big process of
rethinking. If you go to any place like
Ramat Beit Shemesh, you'll see all sorts
of new schools. Chareidi schools are
being established with different
emphases, different approaches,
different constituencies.
So, it's not going to be a
one-size-fits-all anymore. It'll be more
like
America. Some people say that's awful.
Yeah, I'm not even opining it's good or
bad. Uh, some people say that's great.
That's what That's exactly what we need.
Be that as it may, whether you think
it's good or whether you think it's bad,
for sure it's coming
until and unless it's arrested by the
coming of Mashiach, in which we'll have
different rules.
Once that's Once that's