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A Teenager in the Holocaust - A Story of Survival
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Transcript
Auto-generated transcript. Not time-synced to the video.
I start by sharing an idea I heard in uh
paras Noah 1977.
Yeah. Wonderful. I was in
the entire yeshiva came from forest
hills. The rasha always wanted to come
to he felt he couldn't because of his
obligations in America. But he he loved
it and from time to time he would pick
up the entire yeshiva and move. So this
was shortly after the building was built
in San Hedra MV and he brought the whole
yeshiva and the married couples had to
all find apartments. Everybody had to
scramble but he brought the whole
yeshiva for a year and it was a balagan
because uh it was a yeshiva that was
used to catering to 25 students and now
it has 200 people. So a number of the
tamid got together and started avad
[snorts] and uh and the rashiva asked
they asked rasha to speak at the first
meeting of the vad. Well everybody who
showed up didn't really care that much
about they just wanted to hear the rasha
speak and it was very crowded in the
room. It was really meant for the but he
he quoted a medish and that is as we
know at the end of the marble
Noah comes out and he plants a vineyard
and we know that that story ends very
poorly. Yeah. And the medish says is a
medish rabba that as soon as he got
ready to plant the vineyard, the satan
was the first one who volunteered to
help
because he said anytime you want to
start an undertaking the first person
who wants to join is the satan
be able to uh undermine things from the
inside.
uh I remember that idea that he said and
I heard somebody else tell a story from
another major yeshiva I want to mention
it but uh he said that he also started
and the rasha spoke to him after a week
and he says how's it going he goes great
everybody's signing up everybody's
taking on tough kedim it looks great
everything's looking terrific and the
rasha looked a little upset and I
couldn't understand why so I see him
about 3 months later. He says, "No,
how's it going?" I said, "Terrible.
Nobody's keeping their word. Nobody's
doing what they're supposed to be doing.
Everybody's giving me a hard time.
Everybody's fighting over this. I'm just
going to close the whole thing down."
The Rash said, "Bashem."
And he goes, "What?" He says, "When you
told me at the beginning that everything
was going great, I got a little
suspicious cuz where's the Satan?
Where's the atahara? He's the first one
who gets involved in every organization.
And if he's not trying to stop you, then
it must be that you're the Sultan. It
must be that you're the
and I was going to tell my son to drop
out and now that I see you're having
trouble, I know you're doing something
good and I give you
and he gave me and I kept going even
though it was much more difficult.
I'm living in Harno 37 years
and uh over those 37 years there have
been a large percentage of
uh dove angle who live in Har yeah and
maybe less today a lot of them ran away
to be b she where there is a small
percentage of Hebrewspeaking Israelis
but in high still a large percentage
And many people have felt that I don't
really have a muk especially because the
model of a kahila that we have in
America and in England they don't have
here because uh as somebody said to me
many times
in uh you join a community here you look
for a place to davin and if this one's
closer or this one's faster or this
one's this I'll go over there but not
because I feel a commitment you know
maybe I like tables maybe I like chairs
whatever the you know extenders whatever
it is but but uh but but there's not a
sense of community
as somebody said to me if you know all
the if you know the names of all the
people in your building you must be the
viot you know what I mean because uh
that's it I had a neighbor once said to
me he goes I I'm afraid that I'm going
to die in my apartment and I will be
left there until someone finally notices
they haven't seen me for a while and
figure they can buy it at a discount.
You know what I mean? But uh but it's a
very big place and uh so Ianim
I decided I'm going to try to start
something and I started to make a little
cahila which at this point has the very
very clever name of the Rabbi Alvski
Shaw. I think we need to change that
personally. Um because you know even
sharpens isn't called sharpmans. It has
a real name. You know what I mean? And
same thing with centers. You know all
these places have real names. They just
call it by that. So you know I have at
least a real name. But and we got
started and I found that we have filled
a need in the community. So uh we have
um I would say somewhere between 30 and
40 families who dive in by us you know
on a on a fairly regular basis. So we
decided to try to expand this the
community and sleos night we made a
special event. We had about a hundred
people and it was uh it was really a
very special event. We had a special
minion for a shaam kipper and we had
close to 200 people come and davin with
us and I spoke late Kellerman who davins
in the shul spoke you know and the
drushes were in English and the dining
was user friendly and I think everybody
the feedback we got was everyone had a a
wonderful time and so we had a simp with
close to 100 people and hashem you know
so I have to say that yakov mayor is
really the moving force of this where he
believes [applause]
that what we're doing is something that
serves a greater need and we're limited
by space. If uh we had a we had a a real
location, we could do more, but in the
meantime, we're we're working around
with what we could do. So, one of the
that we have in our little tiny viny in
a little tiny place in the of the Rabbi
uh you know estate Yeah. is uh that uh
Mr. Stark has chosen to come and d with
us when he comes and uh for me this is a
tremendous cover because he is an
adm I only knew that he was an adm I
didn't know anything else about him and
one time when he was there so his son
said maybe ask my father to say a little
something about sukus and I said sure
and he told the story of what happened
to him when he was in the concentration
camp and actually a work camp yeah by uh
sukus and I was like this is
unbelievable. So someone said, you know,
he wrote a book, you know, about his
experiences. And I read it and it was uh
by the way, the money that you gave
tonight is going to republish the book.
Um and I read it and it was just
astounding. And uh he spoke again by us
and uh Shabashua and Yakov Maya who's
always got his eye out for the community
said this is something that everybody
should get to participate in. And that
is why we have made this event and uh
invited the community to be able to hear
whatever Mr. Stark chooses to share with
us. He is not shy and uh like I said
he's an Mash without having gone through
what he went through. But considering
what he went through, I can only tell
you [clears throat] that I I sit down
and I think of a 14-year-old what he
went through and what he survived and
what he went on to do. And I'm pretty
sure I wouldn't have made it to the
train because I just don't have those
kind of kas. And I just listen to these
stories and it's the kind of things that
make you appreciate how little you've
actually accomplished with your life
[laughter]
which I think is always a wonderful
thing. So without any further ado, it is
a privilege are are you doing
introduction to introduce uh Mr. Israel
>> Stark?
Okay. Well, I'm not going to speak that
much, but okay.
>> We can uh you could put it in the place.
So, just just so it's ready. But I I
will project
uh to
>> thank you
>> and an early
to everyone here. I want to thank Rabbi
Olowski uh for your gracious words and I
would also like to take this opportunity
to express my sincere hakaratov to Rabki
and his cahila for accommodating my
father's place in the minion over the
past month. Uh it was very gracious and
it was very uh very welcoming and I want
to thank you for that personally and
publicly. Uh also a special thank you to
Yakov mayor for his initiative and his
work to arrange this impromptu event and
inviting my father Mr. Israel Stark and
myself to speak with you today and
bringing us all together this evening.
Uh this is far Oh, I see I have to be in
range. This is far from my father's uh
first foray into speaking. Uh uh
Blandhur he's been doing this for over
40 years and he's spoken at Jewish
schools and and different institutions
and and military and government
institutions and yeshivas and and uh in
Israel. He's spoken in all across the US
in different cities and the bottom line
is he's gotten around a little bit and
he's finally made his way to Harno. I
think this marks the first time he's
speaking in Harnof even though he's been
a a unofficial residence for over 30
years. Uh now I would also like to thank
you who are in this room. Everyone who's
in this room in attendance today, if you
are in this room right now, you have a
unique, possibly for some of you once in
a-lifetime opportunity to meet and
interact with a witness to one of the
most significant and horrific eras in
human history. You know, often we come
together to recall Kurban Europe in
times such as the anniversary of Crystal
N or or Yoma Shawah or the three weeks.
But at the same time and also in light
of the past two years where Claw Israel
has suffered its own modern-day Horban,
there is no wrong time to recall these
events and seek inspiration from those
who walked it before we have
now. Most of the precious Mishimote who
defied the odds and rose out of the
ashes of Nazi death camps are no longer
with us. The number of Jewish men and
women who can sit before us today and
bear witness to the atrocities
perpetrated against mankind is dwindling
with each passing year. So with that
said, I'm going to encourage each and
every one of you in this room to take
advantage of this evening and think
about the things you'd like to ask. And
>> say each passing year. How much each
passing month or week?
>> Well, yeah, we don't want to think about
that, but I'm trying I'm being trying to
be generous, give people more time. Um,
so, uh, so I would like to, you know, to
take advantage and and to think of the
lessons you'd like to understand and
what you want to walk away with. And
that's why we're here this evening. Now,
with my father's permission, I'm going
to share with you a brief introduction
that will give you a timeline of his
personal experiences for those who have
not read his book, A Boy Named 68818,
uh, available at some bookstores and
Amazon's copies are dwindling because
there will be, God willing, a uh, a
second edition publication and God
willing, um, you know, around Pesak time
or a little bit before after a Hebrew
version we're hoping to put out. So, you
can
>> copies here
>> is what?
>> No copies here.
>> Not today. Halvai. I wish we had more
copies on hand to offer you, but uh that
that tells you how popular the book is.
It's already been sold out. Um so with
that said, um after uh after I give you
this timeline, the rest of the evening
is going to be dedicated to you and
having a conversation with uh my father
and uh and ask and seriously I will
encourage you to ask anything you ever
wanted to ask. Now, Serillik Stok, as he
was known, Serillik was born to Hershel
and Khana Stok and uh in 1929, I'll let
you do the math. And he was born in a
town called Ptorian, just outside the
city of Moonkage, which uh located by
the Carpathian region of eastern
Czechoslovakia. He was the youngest of
three siblings, the older three being
girls, and uh one of whom unfortunately
passed away uh before the war due to
illness. Now, Serillic was an average
boy u you know just like you know you
might have you know any of your own
children nothing different he attended
school for Jewish and secular studies
and this was also the time before the
internet and phone so you know had to
make his own his own mischief his own
fun so um you know I'll give you an
example you know there was one time
where you know Serrillic had an exam
coming up that he was not prepared for
so uh you know I'm not going to tell you
that he didn't study for it and I I'm
not going to tell you that uh that uh
his Rebby had a had a deathly allergic
allergy to garlic. And I'm not going to
tell you that Shruik took his Reby's
switch and he rubbed it with garlic from
uh all over. And I'm not going to tell
you that when his Rebby came in that
morning and picked up the switch and
held it in his hand and waved it in the
air to the students, he turned red and
he went into anaphylactic shock. I'm not
going to tell you any of that. Um, but
what I will tell you is that as a result
of this, Serillic did not take the test
and he probably couldn't sit down for
two weeks after that happened. So, um,
so just to give you an idea of the kind
of childhood he had, it was like very
precious and very, very loving. And it
really wasn't until March of 1944, over
80 years ago, that Sherik's life turned
upside down. It was just prior to Pesak
that the Nazis, Yamakim, occupied his
house and turned one of the rooms into a
command center. Now imagine if you will
what it might be like to be conducting
your pesak seder with German soldiers
occupying the next room and maybe
replace German soldiers with kamas
whoever our modern day alik is and try
and comprehend what that might be like
and after the
sto family were told you have one hour
to pack whatever you can and leave your
house
now they and their friends and their
neighbors at this time were transferred
to a brick factory that was turned into
a makeshift ghetto ghetto in May uh
after the Kag all the Jews in the ghetto
which numbered about 116,000 people were
loaded into cattle cars or of a freight
train and told that they were being
relocated to work on Hungarian farms.
Now imagine this 3-day trip. There was
no in-flight service on this train. No
food, no water. You know, just imagine
the crowd shouldertoshoulder. People
couldn't stand. They couldn't sit. There
was no toilets. And I'm not going to go
into detail what that might be like. And
at some point people said to Swirlik,
you know, like swirlik like we're going
to hoist you up. Look at the above
window and and and read out the the
stations as the train slows down. So
every stop they hoisted him up and he's
reading out names like Preszov, you
know, Zakopane, Makov, Potalanski.
And it became apparent that they weren't
really heading to Hungary. They were
heading in a different direction
altogether. And they soon learned that
they were heading to Poland.
Six weeks later, oh, I'm sorry. Sure,
sure enough, they arrived to Awitz, the
infamous concentration camp in Poland.
And upon arrival, even before he stepped
off the emptied cattle car, was the
first of many instances in which
Schwick's life was saved. However,
however, shortly thereafter,
Shrillik and his father were separated
from his mother and his two sisters, and
this was the last time he saw his
mother.
Six weeks after that, Shrillik and his
father were transferred to Matausen.
This would be the second of four
concentration camps that Shrillik would
encounter and this was a concentration
camp in Austria. Now, two things were
significant about his stay in Matau.
Number one, this is where he received
his number 68818.
And the second significant thing is that
this would be the place where he was
separated from his father, never to see
him again. In June 1944, Shoulick was
transferred to the death camp of here.
He spent the bulk of his time and as he
became known as the Spitzenger. This the
this was the carrier of the pointers.
And if you're curious what that means,
you'll be able to ask him yourself. In
April 1945, the allies were closing in
and the prisoners of Mel were moved on a
death march and Shrillik arrives to Aen,
which would be his the last camp he
would experience.
On May 4th, 1945,
Thrillik and his friends noticed that a
lot of the guard towers were empty
suddenly for the Germans had started to
retreat from Aen. And on May 6th of
1945, liberation from Aen came. The
Americans arrived and set up rations and
set up a rations kitchen. Disastrous
effect. But Serik Sirlik describes that
day as the prisoners rushing forward and
kissing the steel treads of the US
tanks.
On May 7th, Germany surrendered. Then
the next day was V day and the end to
World War II. In August of 1945,
Schwillik arrived back to Moonkach. And
spoiler alert, he was he was re reunited
with his two older sisters who also
survived. During this time, while they
were still in Europe, Swirlik's sisters
married, while Swirlik made repeated
attempts to immigrate to pre-state
Israel, but without success. In August
of 1947, Eleanor Roosevelt sponsored 500
war orphans
to immigrate to to the US. And at the
age of 17, Sirill boarded the SS Ernie
Pile and sailed to America by himself
with a police and nothing but $2 to his
name. And on his way to America, his
very first purchase for 10 cents a
bottle of Coca-Cola. So he was already
becoming an American. And just imagine
for a moment, you know, to uh being an
orphan, a refugee, you know, you're by
yourself without your parents at a young
age and finding yourself on a ship or a
plane, crossing the ocean to a country
that you have never been to and not
knowing a word of the language.
Mr. Stark moved to Chicago in 1948.
Eventually his sisters managed to
immigrate to the US as well and they
settled in New York with their
respective families. Over his many
visits to New York he met Ethel Urman,
his wife to be and they married in 1957.
By profession, Izzy Stark, as he was now
known, became a diamond merchant and the
founder and sole proprietor of the
iceark company. Fast forward to today,
Mr. Stark is a philanthropist and a
pillar within the Chicago Jewish
community and an author. He is a father
to seven, a grandfather to 40, and a
great-grandfather to over 60 with more
on the way. Bishova.
So, as I mentioned before, I will now
encourage you to take this opportunity
to get to know him a little better. Uh,
and again, this is not the time to be
shy. You know, again, this is a
beautiful setting. And, uh, so when
anyone has any question, simply raise
your hand and uh, stand up and speak
with a loud voice so he can hear you.
And uh and and you I want to introduce
my father, Mr. Israel Stark.
>> Sit sit sits.
>> Be careful. Be careful.
>> See it. I see it.
>> Good. You did a wonderful job.
>> Oh, thanks, Dad.
>> Yeah. to going into my early life, my
background and you probably got most of
the information and if you have any
questions regarding something which was
not clear to you, I'll be very happy to
answer it. But before reshide
>> okay first of all it's very important
for me to say
I want to give a
that he brought me up to this point. He
brought me up here where I had the
wonderful human
asovski mentioned in his sh and I hope
that listen to art phillis in artis
kabble and of course it's different to
be in your lime than in Chicago but I've
been in both places I
was dury after duri gave the the brief
introduction about my youth I I says
first of all I says I would like to also
thank Rabar Lovski and Yanko Mayor for
organizing this this evening and whoever
is here. I would like to thank you all
for taking our time and coming to listen
to me for a for a little while. I'd like
to start to tell you first of all about
uh my our arrival into in into Ashwitz.
As we arrived into Ash and and the
command was given to Ash Tigen by a
young prisoner who was in charge of
these Hungarian transports that have
been arriving day after day, night after
night as he was um so everybody of
course got off immediately. It was
certainly a big relief when they open up
those those those freight cars and
suddenly the air came in and revived
many people. And then the window was
Osteigen and as pretty soon there there
was the the the line of I believe where
they would give us a h the selection the
line of selection by a call by the
Malikov.
I mean and men older men and children
and women went to one side and the
younger men of who were able-bodied men
who were able to work at least the
Malikovs decided that they will be able
to to work and contribute to the great
great needs of the German Reich they
sent to a different direction. I of
course the minute I had I had a a four
as as you probably will hear from or so
forth. I had a somebody gave me a tip
off that he asked me how old I am
and I said years and he says deepest
that was while we were still
staying on that empty freight car. I of
course started to argue with him and it
says Engel
Frankmanishes
here we do not ask any questions
[snorts] if I tell you that you're 18
remember now that you're 18 and of
course thank goodness I remembered when
the selection came I blurted out in a
loud voice I'm eight I'm a he told me to
follow my father my father to a certain
direction as as eventually they lined us
up again as lined us up so often in
lines of five in each line. And
eventually they marched us into a very
very big empty place like a big hanger
where there were a lot of prisoners
standing there with clippers,
hair clippers to to to shave off all our
hair. And there we had to undress
completely naked. And this is where the
last I put on the I put on my fill there
on top of my clothing for the last time.
You only wear the only thing you were
allowed to keep is your shoes. And that
if you had some good pair of shoes
eventually some older president came
along and says give me your shoes. So
all these things have been happening
later on. But you were allowed to keep
the shoes and that's about it. No pens,
no pencils, no paper, no watches, no
calendars, nothing. So consequently,
I as a little boy as as he was cutting
my hair, I I wanted to ask a few times
one of these so-called barbers. I says,
"What is going to happen to us? What is
going to be our destiny?" He wouldn't
talk. Nobody would talk. Finally,
finally, one guy came to another one,
another one. Finally, one one of the
barbers, so-called barbers, says, "Turn
around this way." And he turned the
other way. He says, "You see this table
on in in this all different uniforms,
striped uniforms, a pair of pants, and a
pair of jacket and a jacket and a mitzah
and a and a shirt. That's going to be
now your your clothing. And now you're
going to get into a certain certain
camps and now your fight for survival
would start.
My friends, I'm going to speak to you
tonight. I chose to speak about two
incidents that happened during my four
concentration camps during the Europe.
One incident is I have in my book about
the story of a bird and the other one is
this is is that going to uh speak to you
about my access to fire to fire while I
was in milk already in the third
concentration camp.
The story with the bird is as follows. I
they as all the children always ask me
Mr. start did you really have a bird and
I and I I says not really but somehow I
tell him well there's a story to it let
me tell you a little bit about the story
of the bird when finally we arrived
after they marched us into Awitz
Burkanau in Awitz I was sitting with my
father for days after days I would say
probably maybe about a week's time there
was very little the silence was
deafening we very little discussion
between me and my father and very little
discussion between other prisoners at
the same time. And as I was sitting
there and they counted us about five
times, six times a day. We had to line
up in in rows of five, five, five. And
they counted us over and over again. But
then they let us to disembark.
And I was sitting once with my father
and I got very despondent. I got I
started crying and he says why are you
crying Sulik and I said well there's
plenty of reason to cry but also I told
him look here I'd like my told my father
I'd like to see some life here in this
forsaken place this I I smell death all
over I would like to see a little a
little a little ant crawling out on my
on my knee or my shoe I would like to
see a worm come out through the soil of
the back of of of the bed soil Well,
actually, I don't see any other life
here. I'd like to see some form of life,
whether it's an insect, whether it's
anything else. And he says, he says, I I
wish I could help you. Suddenly, as I
telling him about this, my wishes, I
look up and I see a beautiful bird on a
branch in Ash on the tree. And I'm
looking at that bird. And I'm looking at
that bird. And I finally turn to my
father and I tell him, you see that
bird? I see finally alive something
which is alive here. I says that bird is
my friend. That bird is always going to
be my friend. That bird is always going
to be with me wherever I go. That bird
is coming with me. And I he and as as I
pointed out about that bird, I certainly
said that bird is going to be with me.
And I said to him,
you have created that bird. You have
given that bird wings that he can fly.
It can fly in and out of this forsaken
place. That bird doesn't have to worry
about about the the electric wires. That
bird doesn't have to worry about a gun
facing
every minute. I says,
"You created that bird and you gave it
wings.
I'm also your creation. You also created
me. Why? I I I I don't have any wings
and I don't expect that I'm going to be
able to fly out of here. But
please take me under your wings. at
least give me the protection and promise
that you will protect me and you'll help
me to survive this ordeal. This is the
first time my friends that I've also
taken the rail I've taken him into
partners with me and I said look here
I'm not the bird I don't have wings but
I'm also your creation just like that
bird is so consequently I says you you
gave all this the protection you're
giving this protection to your bird I'm
also your creation give me also your
protection help me to survive
and this is my friends the first time
that I've taken in partnership
And I had established the muna that and
I will tell you something. There were
about four times where my life almost
ended in in the four camps as a second
from from ending. Four times and each
time somehow by in this flu I managed to
be saved. I how I managed to be saved is
of course I I have written about it and
I told people about it how I managed to
be saved but I was saved how I don't
understand I don't understand it at
Hayom how this in the last minute when
most people wouldn't survive I survived
but the minute it happened every time it
happened it happened four times to me
and each time I thought ah
you maybe maybe maybe you hurt me maybe
you are giving me the protection that I
asked that you should give me at least
whatever that creature had that bird so
give me that protection and every time
this influence happened yeah I felt more
encouraged maybe just maybe I'm going to
survive maybe I'm be able to go and live
through this ordeal every day that we
faced and we faced every day terrible
ordeal and of all the all the ordeal
that we faced. The worst one was of
course hunger. I cannot tell you what
hunger is. Rent to sleep every night
hungry and and and and constantly talked
only about food and so forth. That was
constantly going on. But nevertheless, I
don't know whether speaking about what
my mother used to cook for Shiff or what
she made or what we had there between my
friends. I don't know whether it anyway
helped to steal the pains of hunger.
Maybe maybe even worse maybe it somehow
I think in and increase the the juice of
of of of the of the digestive system and
so forth. But nevertheless I think that
it was it was something that every time
something like this happened I said ah
maybe he did listen to me. And this is
what one thing about the bird. But then
I I adopted the bird more or less and I
felt that the bird is constantly with
me. Whenever they loaded us up again in
freight cars to to to let's say to take
that to mouthousen and from mouthousen
to milk I always picture that builders
that that bird is sitting right on top
of of that freight car and watching this
royal and watching me what happens to me
and so forth and be my friend. So this
is in a nutshell the story about the
bird. The other thing that I wanted to
speak to you also shortly I mean uh
briefly I would say is about the fire. I
mentioned that I had access to fire
while finally
they from Matausen they trans
unfortunately in Matausen
[clears throat] I was separated from my
father. I didn't see him again and we
were separated there and so forth. But
after I milk I ended up myself but
fortunately in milk which was the third
concentration camp that I was brought to
there I already got a job. What was my
job? My job was as theen trigger the
carrier of the pointers. What are the
pointers? Most of the prisoners worked
in digging further and further,
advancing into a tunnel on a mountain
and building deeper and deeper and they
were conveyor belts going into the
tunnels and prisoners were shoveling the
debris that that some of these prisoners
were were were drilling through from
from the from the walls of the mountain.
All this debris, fortunately, it wasn't
stones. It was basically sand and
pebbles and they were shoveling it into
on top of this conveyor belt and the
conveyor belt carried it out. So
basically
they used in order for us for for the
prisoners to advance into the tunnels
further and further they use these air
hammers and so forth. Like you see
sometimes even today somebody is
drilling into the street preparing it
with an air hammer. So the these require
certain steel pointers but after a while
these steel pointers became dull. They
were not per they did not perform the
job as originally the intention was for
them to perform. So I had to collect
those those steel pointers and take them
out, bring them out from the tunnels to
the blacksmith who was outside attending
a big fire, a nice with with coal,
charcoal and so forth. There was a fire
constantly going and I gave him over
those pointers and he made of course
heated them up red hot and then he
hammered them into points again. And
after they were cooled off, my job was
to take the the the finished ones and
bring them back into the tunnels where
the prisoners were working and
distribute the finished uh product to
them. But nevertheless, that gave me a
chance that I had access to fire. Nobody
else had access to fire. As I mentioned
before, we didn't have any calendars,
pencils, papers, watches, nothing. We
had, of course, as I mentioned in in my
my book. Of course, we had coupled
calendar. Fortunately, coupled as I
describe was a was a computer, a a a
live computer. and anybody any prisoner
for some reason or other that he wanted
to know when a suravis is or when the
short when when Tishov is or when
Kipper is for some reason not that they
were able to to feel that we were able
to in any way pray together or celebrate
together and think it took but that
wasn't on anybody's mind but
nevertheless if somebody wanted to know
ah you have to as couple couple never
made a mistake because many times couple
once we once well once there was also by
accident that our camp was bombed and
there was a certain day and the couple
said that was on the day of sherb Thomas
and then go in to to here in to yasham
and say when was milk bombed the when
when bump fell on barracks in in in milk
and then and you'll see it was on the
day of of of Joseph Thomas. So
consequently he was he never made a
mistake. So but me having access to that
fire was a tremendous advantage. Why?
Why was that tremendous advantage?
Because I didn't have anything. But
sometimes prisoners came to me and said
I found a rotten potato. or somebody
prisoner came, I found a bone and I'll
tell you, would you put the bone or the
wrapped potato on on the coal on the
fire? Because once it was cinched, it
tasted a little better. We could
probably more digest digested whatever
digest was left in the digestive system.
And the bone if it was cinched and by
fire and burned a little bit, it was
easier to t to take it in between your
teeth and and and and get some powder
out of it. Anyhow, besides that, a lot
of prisoners came who had a cigarette.
And I'll tell you, a cigarette was like
a fortune. We didn't have any money
amongst us or anything else. But if
somebody managed somehow to get a
cigarette, he could buy for a cigarette,
he could buy another b portion or two
portions of bread. So you'll ask me
later on how was it possible to to get
somebody to sell you that bread? That's
a different story. But nevertheless, if
he was So a lot of them prisoners came
and lit their cigarette near that fire
because there was no other nobody had
matches and so forth. But but the
biggest part was that people brought me
these things to put on there. Whether it
was a dead bird, whether it was a bone,
as I mentioned before, but I'll tell you
the biggest thing was that I I think
that Buim paying me back for this. I
would tell you as a little boy, we had a
a neighbor who was a drugist. You know
what a drug is? He didn't didn't use
drugs. He was somebody that had an
appetaker. He had a a drugstore.
And in Europe, a drugstore only sold
drugs, my friend. Drugstore didn't sell
milk or bread or or or or sugar. That
was it. Only drugs were allowed in that
place. And I he was a neighbor of ours.
And once he I heard him say that a lot
of the people who come down at this tree
that the biggest
remedy or a flu for this tree was
charcoal powder. And they had in the
drugstore in Montage, they had where
they were selling packages of charcoal
fire, charcoal powder for any people
that neb suffered from that particular
particular maka. So I heard about it. So
I said to myself,
maybe I can do something. Why? Because a
lot a lot of prisoners came down but the
biggest problem was for this disentry
and some were so bad that they couldn't
hold it anymore. The stomach just
couldn't couldn't function and they
ended up in the so-called re so-called
hospital. Many of them who were even my
dear friends unfortunately checked in
with that mak to the hospital and they
never checked out. I don't remember one
person who ever went into that so-called
raier whoever came out from there. So I
decided and I said to to my friend the
uh uh the the the blacksmith and I told
him, "Would you allow me to take a piece
of wood and and and have it have it
burned real flaming hot?" And then I
cooled it off and I had a little
aluminum spoon that I always carry with
me in case I get some soup or something.
And I after it got cooled off and it got
cold, I scraped off the powder of that
burned uh piece of wood and but I have a
big problem. I didn't have any we had
two packages. I didn't have where to put
it in. So finally the again the
blacksmith gave me a very good acer. He
says, "You see that pond in the back? It
has some big leaf over the over the
water. Why don't you go and tear some of
that leaves off and you can package it
in in part of the leaves, tear off some
of the leaves and package it in there?"
And I listened to him and I packaged
that powder every time I could scrape
off some package it and I started
distributing it to some prisoners that
were also suffering from that ma my
friends I can't tell you how many came
to me and said you don't know what you
did for me I feel so much better today
my stomach is functioning again and so
forth so you see I I I I didn't say to
the banish Look here, give me some
credit for it. But I I was so happy that
this is part of the thing that en was
enabling
the the the fire that I was access to
was enabling to do also this to the
prisoners.
I would tell you I will touch very
briefly for a moment on liberation.
Liberation has been a very very
interesting time, very complicated time.
And I will tell you something. I
sometimes when it comes to liberation, I
can speak for a few hours about just how
liberation and took place in the Ford
camp and a but needless to say I would
tell you only one thing. I sometimes
uh
according to my to my to my opinion, my
private uh opinion, I sometimes compare
the parallel of liberation for us
prisoners. Sometimes I compare it to
Mhammad Hari.
How do I compare to Mhammad Hari? I
remember many times before sometimes I
quote Rabbi Lovski. I told him why did
have to hold over the bar the
the heavens like a hogus like a barrel.
I mean said some tie would ask him all
these questions Rabarovski raised once
and I quote him every time before sh
because I have your side for my mother
usually
a few days before shu so when I speak I
quote him this in this when I speak
about shu about mira so I will tell you
why was it so first of all the most
important thing as as far as liberation
was concerned And as soon as the
Americans arrived, food, food, food.
That's all we wanted. There was most in
we could sell our lives. I would be
glad. I told my friends I would sell my
gladly my life to be shot tomorrow
morning. But if I could only have once
in my life. I could have as bread to eat
as I as I I want. So anyhow, but the
Americans made a very big mistake. They
came in and they brought in some uh
field kitchens, army field kitchens on
the pel plaz, which was the open place.
They open up the kitchen and they
started serving some uh I would say uh
bacon and some fat and meat with with
rice together. Many prisoners like lined
up with their things and finally and
they started gobbling it up and many of
them dropped that. And I said to my
friends, it's impossible that Americans
are poisoning us. But I would tell you
something. As much as our lives depends
on that little food today, as much as we
won't eat, I pre I would like to advise
you don't don't take part in that food.
And they didn't. And then and as I
mentioned before in my book, as this
went on, we finally noticed I finally
noticed in about maybe a 100 yard or or
100 or a certain distance away another
line standing. And I figured what what
are they giving away over there? What is
in that line? And I said to my friends,
listen, I think we cannot we cannot
partake in that food. That's something
that's poison. We have to see maybe
they're giving away something in that
other line. And as we were approaching
that line closer and closer, I finally
saw my the
Rashia Glenn Ginwald Green was also a
prisoner in our in our camps. Ri was
standing there with a parrot and a torn
and shalat in his hand and everybody
lined up and all my friends were
realized finally standing in that line
and finally I said to my friends let's
also stand in the line and get and get
making me a makeup over over that
shellat and I we stand and then my turn
came and he handed to me that to shellat
and I made a
and [snorts] I I remembered the last
time I put on the trill in that in that
barracks was the last time I put on the
fill and that was it. And here is time
of liberation a moment we didn't we
didn't satisfy our hunger yet but yet
already I was able to make a of of
over and
I I describe more about that incident in
the books. I don't want to go in
anymore. But I'll tell you something
again. Let me tell you that why do I say
there's a parallel in my own opinion
between Mhammad Hari and liberation
because at Mhammed Hari I think people
said
less than
you know some of them said uh yeah I'll
be a good Jew but I don't want any other
I will accept
but I will not accept
that's not something that I want to
appear to to the mitzvah that the that
the the raun and the gdam are going to
come and say that we all have to to to
to complete part of life part of Jewish
life I so so there were many different
groups so one as we were standing in
liberation one group said
there couldn't be a god who would let us
get through what we went through another
group says hey I'm not going to kill I'm
not going to murder I'm going
honor my my parents but that's it I
don't want any any other mitzvah observe
but then
send us wonderful
they send us like the closing
who was came from the from another camp
he lost his entire family but he came to
us and also silver from Cincinnati was
there and many other shikim were there
and they told us brothers Brothers and
sisters at Buai, if we want to go back,
if we want to be some a people that the
world will recognize that we want to
back and we when have a native with have
to misfits then we have to go back to
the mur of our parents and teachers gave
us otherwise we will not be able to
exist. Sure enough, I'll tell you
without them, I don't know what
happened. Uh the problem was
unfortunately that we couldn't
communicate with, let's say, our homes.
Even after a while, the Americans
changed the diet of the way they were
distributing to the prisoners for the
field kitchens. Eventually they changed
uh to powdered milk and and and fina and
and oatmeal that already we could digest
and that already we could finally dig
into our systems. So consequently once
we our hunger was satisfied oh our
hunger was satisfied [clears throat]
with these with this particular type of
food that we could digest. What's our we
started thinking where's my where's my
uncle Moa where's my wife where's my
husband where's my brother where's my
sister where's my mother where is
everybody couldn't take a phone and get
a a cell phone and call up I'm calling
mash I'm calling I'm calling hey did
uncle Mosha come back did
come back there was no such way of
communication there was only one way and
Everybody knew it in his own
back mind, in his own conscientious that
the only way, the only way to find out
whether uncle Mosha came back and the
only way to find out for me whether any
of my family survived after all my
sisters were younger sisters. I should
have to get back to Mkach. to get back
to Mkasha, get back to Husta, get back
to any other place, my friends, was not
a a easy task, was almost an
impossibility because everything was
destroyed. Everything was bombed out.
There was no communication and there was
no transportation and nobody could. We
only could travel maybe on I traveled on
top of of of of military transport uh
freight cars on the roof there. They let
me go up a few of of our boys to go out
to the roof. That's the only way. So I
anyhow I finally finally we came back to
I finally got back to Mash through
Prague and Budapest where they gave us
each place they gave us more of of
religious articles whether it was film
whether it was Sedur whether it was uh
uh clothing each one in in in Prague and
in Budapest and actually we found our
way back home to find out who returned
who didn't return. So once we were back
home uh usually was before the thetoim
it was 1945
before the and we were now under the
Ukrainian government and we were warned
by some of the of the very very high
ranking Russian officers who were part
of the Russian army who were situated
there. They said, "My friends, you're
Jews. You are just get through. You got
through from
terrible orals and so forth. You came
back. We want you to know that this
place is going to be closed down like
even a fly won't be able to to move out
of here. So while you still can, we will
give you permission to go out." People
started going to to DP camps. That's how
they ended up in DP camps. Many most of
them were going for aliyah to Israel.
And my friends just to [clears throat]
tell you that
again.
The fact that we have today these
wonderful moes.
We have in Chicago and South Benton and
Milwaukee and and and in Lakewood is in
here. [clears throat] It's all because
they told us you have to go back and you
have to start again living according to
the miser that your parents gave you the
helped us and somehow we got back and
I'll tell you no doubt the fact that we
have today all these
I don't want to go in all the different
places is because we listened to our
sadikim we listened to our guys and we
all went back to the muroy of our
parents
Thank you very much. I would like to
open it up now for questions and
answers.
>> So then one question that someone sent
up front was that they they noticed that
uh to their knowledge you don't have
seem to have a tattoo. If they noticed
correctly, why is that?
>> Well, just tell you briefly the reason
why why I don't have a tattoo and
125,000
of other Hungarian uh prisoners didn't
have a tattoo. uh is because that in
around June or July there was uh uh
there was negotiation between
the biggest Makim the biggest the
biggest
killer Rikman uh was he said if you will
manage to give us uh products for our
military and so on for our people for
the means for the Mariah in in in the
amount of $100 million, we will free
125,000
uh uh Hungarian prisoners. Uh without my
knowledge, I happen to be in that group
and and the command was from from him
not to tattoo this group. And they also
they gave us instead of a yellow
triangle in our numbers, we had a red
triangle which indicated that we had
political prisoners, not Jewish
prisoners.
>> When the when the trains arrived in um
>> Awitz
>> in Awitz, did the prisoners have any
idea what the selection process was?
What the two choices were? They know
>> that that question has to I don't need
it. That question has to put me back a
little bit to the to the [clears throat]
originally when we were still at home.
Many questions many question people
asked me what did you know? Did you know
that an Awitz existed? Did you know the
shitas that is going on in in in in in
Galysia? Did you know of theas that is
going on in communist pedals and all
these things? And they asked us and I
had as I mentioned before we didn't have
any television. We didn't even have a
radio. How did we get some news? We the
the most of the news came through
through Shimu through different yank
said this and Raisk had said this and so
forth. And then I mentioned before I
love the mikvah in minkage and I was
every Friday I placed myself in the hot
mikvah in a corner and I listened to
yankl came in and says you know what I
just heard you know and and Mosha came
in and said came in you know what what
what is going on and I observed observe
I mean not observed I absorbed all this
information and finally after about a
couple of hours soaking in in in that
big way. I finally came home and I gave
it all out and I said to my parents,
"You know what I heard? You know what
Kasal said? You know what said and so
forth." And they said, "And sometimes I
painted some very terrible pictures."
And they said that's impossible. It's
impossible to believe. Anyhow, whether
whether it was actually impossible to
believe is not the issue. issues that
everybody said we cannot believe this
otherwise we would go if we we really
believe that all theas that's going on
in Galysia at that time and was actually
what went up in Galysia was not so much
from the German Rosim it was done from
the from the Lithuanians from the
Estonians from the Pocks from from from
the Ukrainians these were the biggest
they did the the the the I would say the
the of the of of the rasim very well. So
I'm saying we did not want to believe
that it was impossible to believe that
this is actually true. So we denied it
and and and so long till we finally
eventually we faced it ourselves. Any
other questions?
Yeah.
A lot of things have been written, a lot
of different theories [clears throat]
about the differences between people who
survived and people who did not survive.
And
>> in what way do you see a difference?
>> Well, that's that's what I was going to
ask you is whether you have any
theories. Are you talking about about
being being observant in mitzvah in in
in in mas and so forth or are you
talking about between the relationship
between a one person and the other in
which in which way do you feel that that
you feel that there's a difference?
>> I don't know what I feel. I'm asking
whether you because of your experience,
your observation, whether you ever had
any theory, any thoughts about whether
whether there was something.
>> I think she's asking what did you
observe among the prisoners around you?
>> No, no, that's not what she's asking.
She's asking after that after
liberation.
>> Are you asking asking during the time in
the camps or afterwards?
>> I'm asking an open question. I'd like to
go in that direction. Whatever he would
like to share. Okay.
>> Okay. The answer is basically that I
will tell you something. There are when
it came after the after so so to speak
after liberation and after we settled in
the DP camps and and some people went to
Israel and Leah and so forth what
whatever life started somehow getting
back to semi-normal because we didn't we
didn't immediately uh be able to uh to
enjoy and feel that we have a normal
life but nevertheless that was the idea.
What do you think the DP camp served?
The DP camp served that here is a group
of whoever wants to come.
Anybody that wants here, we will give
you food. We'll give you food for
Shabas. We'll give you protection. You
will be able to observe your mitzvah.
You'll be able to read a a new mega a
new things which is written by by
religious people. I mean, somehow life
started to come back. I'll tell you
something. Even in in the DP camp where
I was, we organized already on Purum. We
organized our Purum spill with the with
with the with the with the of of the
Ysef and Sadic and so forth just to get
back to to they were they were shurim
and so forth. So we that was part of
getting back to normal life and whether
everybody was this was was also trying
to to whether religious or non-religious
we were all in the same basically in the
same situation and people were yes
people were nice to each other whether
you were observant whether you were sh
mitzvous or not
>> that wasn't
>> rebar thank you so much for sharing
>> I'm not a rabbi That's okay.
>> Um, how did you uh practice uh Jewish
life in the camps before you were
liberated? What did that look like?
[laughter]
>> Okay. I practiced life. I'll tell you
something. I was in four different
concentration camps. And in all this
time, in all the four camps, I can tell
you only one thing. A very very seldom I
notice somebody standing aside and
diverting the shumineser. I very I
almost never notice that. Very seldom
did I say through we need you for minion
which is going to be in that corner and
we I want you to show up there. No,
there was no such thing. I never you
have to realize there was absolutely no
religious practice going on in the camps
itself. Why? Because there nobody what
even in mind there was no no time to to
to think about it. Mostly what was
important is just to still steal the
hunger pains. That was it. But
nevertheless I there were individuals
who did maybe practice bayas maybe
individuals who were standing the
shanzer
abs nobody could see them maybe
something this and we and every time we
did check with couple when
was coming up not that anybody was able
to do something there was one time a
friend of mine managed to to make a suka
in in in under the circum irstances and
he invited me to share the suka with him
which I describe in my my book and so
forth and I also talk about it sometimes
but I can speak about I don't know how
many different different subject
different incidents and also uh one time
I I I came we came back from work in the
evening and we getting ready they gave
us our our soup whatever we get got
every day and suddenly I hear See,
people were whispering to each other,
whispering going around. And I say to my
friends, would you find out what's going
on? Some whispering going on. He says,
"They just told me." He says, "It's Arab
Kipper."
And I said, "What do you mean it's
Kipper? Who?" He says, "It's it was
verified by couple. It is no doubt it's
Arabium Kipper." Anyhow, we went to
sleep that every night. and I describe
about the certain dreams that I had at
that night Arabian Kipper and what took
place in our barracks.
I don't want to go in and give you the
whole details. It'll take me too long.
>> Um, we often hear about survivors having
a hard time talking about their
experiences. Were you able to speak to
your children and others about what you
went through? Okay. A very good
question. I'll tell you. Yes. When I
came to Chicago in 1944
48 and I came to New York in 1947.
I was with many I was with with quite a
few friends that were also went through
this whole ordeal and and in Chicago I
used to meet many other survivors who
were not necessarily in the same
in the same camp I was or in the same
camp. They were indifferent. They were
so many. They were so many different.
And somehow I will tell you something.
Everybody, any any survivor that lived
through any survivor that lived through
the period of the that time has his own
flu has his own story. They're not two
alike. But there so all of them are
important because all of them are nissim
when they flew as without that people
who were in hiding and people were who
were in hiding in in by farmers by goyam
and people who you have to realize that
when it came time to liberation that
these rasam didn't want many of these
camps to fall in the hands of the
liberators whether it was Russian or it
was American so they had to either
transfer them over either by by marching
them for days and days to another
another place where was would be safe
not so close to the to the invasion of
the allied forces and so forth. So many
times they do did this and many times
they took a lot of these prisoners and
put them on open freight cars in the
winter it was in height of the winter
and and and shuttled them back and forth
till half of them froze to death or half
but but but honest don't ask. So some
survived, some didn't survive. But may
maybe death was then on. And I'll tell
you something. Many, yes, many uh
couldn't speak about it. Many couldn't
speak about their experiences. Many
couldn't speak about those. Many told
me, "Yeah, my my father was speaking to
the family. Many could speak to the
children." Many couldn't speak to the
children either. and that and some spoke
only to to to a very very uh I think
very very very uh individuals that that
for some reason other they they wanted
to share with but generally I will tell
you were different types of approaches
some people couldn't I for some reason I
am thankful to that he gave me the idea
sur you have to speak about it why
because it is important
who are more Not only on time but
every day according to many it's a
mitzvah to remember every day about
so far I'm saying I had no problem
talking about it maybe I talk too much
sometimes about it but nevertheless it's
important why because I feel you have to
remember and you a lot of you maybe
there's some you young ladies here who
are how to have mothers of future
generations you it's important it's your
duty to inform these future generations
like what went on Europe
yeah there somebody said
>> two questions
>> yes
>> first question you said you were in a
group that was defined by as political
prisoners in exchange for money
>> right
>> why was that group not released.
>> That was what
>> why was why was the group not released?
>> Because they couldn't come up with with
$100 million. They couldn't up with a
hundred hundred million dollars. Not
Mark Chef. Several hundred million
dollars. This is was Aishman's request.
you gave us for I don't know how many
millions of dollars soap, cocoa,
cigarettes, uh medications, all this in
and and it was several several million
dollars and we couldn't come up with
$100,000 the the Hungarian uh I I I
think the who were in charge of the
Hungarian
>> that's why so that's the first answer is
>> but you did get redefined as a different
group
>> what Then
>> the group was still redefined as
political prisoners and not as Jewish
prisoners.
>> No, they remained in the camp, but they
didn't change their their they didn't
change any any of their of their numbers
anymore. They didn't they that's
remained untattoed. They would not tell
them now that the deal is off now we
have to tattoo them. They never got
tattooed and they remained that way
>> because the deal was half done but not
completed.
>> Right. It was a deal was not to did not
take place. There was not so you say I'm
I'm telling you if you do this and this
I'm going to go do this for you but if
the deal doesn't take place I'm saying
but what but happened and so far it
still remains. So that that that ceu
that that the makimony gave that 125
prisoners should not be tattooed and
they should not have the the the the
insignia of Jewish prisoner that remain
till liberation.
Second question.
>> Yes. Second question is why do you think
some survivors can talk about their
experiences and some can't?
>> Well that is already the nature of the
of a person himself there. It's like you
understand even even in in natural life
and what's happening
there are people who there people will
sit in in a in in a sheer with a with a
a maggot shear and let's say whether is
a dy or whether it's another gamora and
some people would say oh I got to ask
you this question I got to ask this this
is what I'm wondering about some people
would say quietly and never and even
though they may have questions uh in in
their mind that they wondering about but
they don't have the courage maybe to
come out and say rebi I have this and
this question about this particular mama
kazal can you give me an answer yeah
maybe maybe some will do it and some
will not do it that's that's that's the
nature of some people that's it
>> can I can I answer something
can I say something
>> I I can't Hear what she said
>> and she say something about
>> Yeah. Yeah. Go ahead.
>> My mother was in Ovitz. She told me that
she didn't want us to know anything.
They want and I've read it other places.
They wanted to put it in the pan. They
wanted to give children a good growing
up a nice childhood. Wasn't until they
were grandchildren that that my mother
had the urge to sell. But the way I
understood from her was she wanted to
make us a nice life.
>> Can I ask you a question? Do you
yourself did you were you agreement with
this? Were you feeling that this was the
right thing?
>> I I wanted
I I only found out when I was about 10,
let's say, and I got very into it and
but I knew it was a board.
>> [clears throat]
>> We could not ask my mother anything. But
my mother felt I think she truly
believed that by keeping quiet. She we
didn't know anything. She thought we
knew nothing. Okay. And I don't know but
the book came out by Helen Epste. You
know the children of the Hollywood. You
know that book?
>> Yes. It says when the article came out
New York Times, all these survivors
children put the article in in their
closets, under their bed. They were
hiding it. And I said, I've got mine in
the closet. And my mother could not
believe it because it was in the air. It
was just in the air.
>> What is your name?
>> My name is Eli Steinus.
>> Okay. Styus.
>> Yes.
>> I'll tell you something. I just can't
tell you how important is what you
brought up because here we see an
example of a situation where a mother
said I will protect myself my children I
protect my children in order not to tell
them what happened in the Eurovv what
happened to me what happened to your
grandparents what happened to your great
grandparents they all perished I don't I
want to keep it for my children it's
something that they should not know
that's was her approach there other
approaches No, my always personal
approach was always no, I have to go and
speak to people. I have to tell them I
have to tell girls and in in Moyes Satoy
in schools in high schools in Biancos,
in other schools in Chicago and in
Milwaukee and in Southbend. I have to
tell them that they are the mothers of
future generations and it's their duty,
their duty to tell the children what
happened. Why? Because we have to be
counsel on God. should not happen again
and we are not going to be on guard. We
just leave it go. People could
unfortunately some some some
might come stand up and give us problems
again.
>> But she opened up to the grandchildren
many years later.
>> She did open up to the grandchildren.
>> Grandchildren. I think it was us.
>> Yeah. But that was already much later,
right?
>> Yes. Much
>> in her life.
>> She started telling me.
>> Yeah. Okay.
>> Yes.
First, thank you so much for coming to
speak with us.
>> I can't hear you.
>> Thank you so much for coming to speak
with us.
>> Don't mention it.
>> And sharing your story.
>> Um I have two questions. I'll start with
one. We'll get back around.
>> Um and um
>> everyone in life goes through great
challenge
and given your life experience.
What is your advice for people as
they're going through hardship in order
to go on to build a beautiful life and
not let their challenge define them?
>> Is this two questions or one?
>> One.
>> One question.
I'll tell you what I usually tell people
and what myself I have taken upon
myself. And I said to myself, Roule
Sulle, I said, look here, there are
certain things you have no control over
it. You have absolutely no control over
it. For instance, if I sit at the
airport and I'm supposed to take a plane
to to Chicago and suddenly they tell me
that plane is canled and will not go out
anymore and you have to find uh lodging
for the nights. I mean there are people
who will go around saying curse and and
say but this so happened and and and and
they they will not stop really using
profane language and so forth. I saying
I'm sit down. I said you is it my
control? Can I help it? No. I mean
there's nothing I can do about it. My
advice has always been things that you
have no control over it. Don't aggravate
yourself because you have no but things
that happen because later on you feel I
did have control but I didn't speak up I
didn't do anything I didn't give help
this man I didn't help this woman and so
that's a different story but I'm saying
but usually when you feel that you have
no control over anything don't aggravate
yourself otherwise this is my advice any
other question yeah in the back over
Mine is an optional question and I just
wanted also to thank you for coming to
speak
>> a little louder.
>> Yeah.
>> Okay.
>> Given that the Holocaust led in large
part to the founding of the state of
Israel and again this is an optional
question
and because the state of Israel is in
the middle of one of the longest wars or
the longest war
What is your if you can opt to share
your opinion on service in the army?
>> What are the thumbs of a question?
>> What is your feelings about serving in
the Israeli army today in light of
current events?
>> Are you kidding? This is [laughter] such
an important part of life here. Who do
you think I mean who do you think is
protecting all the people the all the
moist whether religious or non-religious
who is protecting them? who is this is
this is the the the the uh Israeli army
who are carrying the uniform the uh the
Israeli uniform. They're protecting us
but they are going after after Rasim
that killed Jews in in in in in during
during the games of the the sport games
and so forth. No, they they hunting down
all these and eventually they're they're
killing them the what they deserve. So
you have to understand that what what
living in Israel do you know what it
means here? Do you know what it means to
have the protection and the army here? I
know as far as gym are concerned the
problem is the the girls army and the
boys army and sometimes they mix
sometimes they don't mix. I I I
understand all this. I understand these
important questions and reservations.
But nevertheless, all in all, we have to
have a strong Israel in order for the
world to know and have a respect for
Jews all over.
>> Can I say something?
>> We're going to go we're going to go to
this side real quick. Go ahead.
>> I have no problem. I can be here till
midnight. [laughter]
>> I'll stay with you.
>> Yeah. Uh yeah,
>> so Himman,
>> I want to ask a question. Um when you
were in the camps before liberation,
were you more likely thinking
or dreaming if I get out of here, if I
survive? Or were you more likely
thinking or dreaming when I get out of
here? when I survive and what were you
thinking for a future if or when what
will I do with my life?
>> Ah that's you but you but you raised it
a very important question but it it it
requires more than one answer. First of
all, it's not a question that I I I I
many times I didn't have time to think
about what's going to be happen if I
survived because why? Because the hunger
pains took president over every anything
else. Somehow constantly you had to
fight. Many times you were sitting with
your friends and talking about what my
mothers used to cook and what they used
to make. Maybe it was still our hunger
but it didn't. And actually that was
prevented anybody from anything thinking
anything else. But I'm saying uh uh
would I did I think at all I did know
one thing. I think as I mentioned before
there are four times when my life almost
almost ended and it didn't end. And then
then somehow I came back to the to the
thoughts when I originally when I saw
that bird and I said
you created that bird and you gave it
wings and that bird can't go in and out
of this dreaded place with with with the
electric wires and so forth. But I am
cannot do that. I'm confined here. I am
in enclosed in this place and I and I my
life is in danger. But nevertheless, I'm
also your creation. I'm also part I know
know why you are you there was a honor.
I don't know why we are going through
this. I'm not questioning that. I said
to the but all I know is that I says not
questioning it but if I survive please
[clears throat] I'm also your creation
to help me to survive. And every time as
I said when my life almost ended and
amiss
didn't I feel I felt yes I think maybe
listen to me and it happened after the
third and fourth time I felt maybe I am
destined to survive and but you don't
say I'm now relying on this when the flu
is going to is going to see that I yeah
I have to do something what do I have to
do I still have to do my trying to to to
to uh limber up, trying to exercise,
trying to help each each other of the my
friends help each other by morning
sometime washing our bodies with cold
water and but still we have to do the
whatever is possible to to maintain the
physical health health as long as
possible. But nevertheless, I had
simonym that I maybe just maybe the
bonus is going to help me to survive
yet.
>> Yes.
>> Thank you for speaking so clearly.
>> Thank you.
Um we see all over the world uh the last
two years marches um pro Palestinian
marches and
um in my mind unfortunately uh Holocaust
survivors uh marching alongside against
the
um as they say genocide that Israel has
been carrying out. Um, have you had an
opportunity to speak to any uh fellow
survivors on this? And what is your
opinion um on why they march?
>> If I understand your question correctly,
you're asking me whether uh we had any
comments between me and my friends about
what's going on with one in in Gaza. Is
that it?
She's saying that there are Holocaust
survivors who seem to identify with the
the Gazins and feel that this is another
genocide. But and I can't believe there
are too many of them still alive.
>> Holocaust survivors who are saying that
what the Israelis are doing is the same
thing as the Nazis.
>> Do they Holocaust survivors who have
been saying that?
>> Yes,
>> that's what she's saying. She's saying
in there are these marches and the
Holocaust survivors come out and say
Israel is like the Nazis and they're
killing the Palestinians.
>> Where where which Holocaust survivors
>> where where where and when did they make
that statement
>> in London?
>> In London.
>> Yeah.
>> Well all over the world. [laughter]
I mean how can you control
who says something like that and and
makes that comparison? What about the
What about the that are
saying that we're exactly like the the
Israeli army are like the Nazis and
they're killing people and this and
that. What's your opinion?
>> What was the exact question?
>> There are lots of
>> He's asking, do you have an opinion
about who compare Israel to
genocide?
>> Well, I'll tell you something. As far as
are concerned, I have had a contact
in [clears throat] America. I've had
with being in business for 60 years and
65 years. I've had contact with a lot a
lot of uh non-Jewish customers, very
very prominent people in business and so
forth. I don't think that anybody ever
has compared something like that or
mentioned anything to like that. So I'm
saying that this now
I [clears throat] heard that there is
such a thing think thing that happened
here in in Israel that there are some
people who made that comparison. I don't
know. Somebody can compare uh this this
this glass of of water to to to to a a
river. You know, I have no control over
these things. But there what generally I
will tell you generally I will tell you
I've had the contact with many non-Jews
in in in America. I'm not going back now
at my youth in before the war in Mkach.
I was I was 12 13 years old and of
course uh there was we experienced as as
at the from the Ukrainians were lived
among us and from the uh some of the non
uh non-Coslovakian
youth we could experience some
anti-semitism but never never anything
from the Czech Czechoslovakian
background or for the Czechoslovakians
schools of for the Czechoslovakian
individuals. They were the most
democratic country I think before the
war in in in Europe. uh and not only
were they a democratic most democratic
country as far as Maserk was concerned.
There was the the the Czech president
but they also were I would say probably
one of the most influential and and
richest country in production and
technical production theiras were coming
out even when when very few cars were
available before the before the world
war before the war. So I'm saying the
checks were a different people and the
Slovaks were a different people. The
Slovaks were already I imagine Catholic
people. And of course as I said when I
when I was a young boy we had problems
from the Ukrainians. We had problems
from some of the the Russians. We had
some problems from Romanians but never
the never from the from the from the
Czech uh youth and so forth. So there
were different people who came from
different I believe uh beliefs and in
different backgrounds that that some
some felt that the they they have to
give problems to Jews and some didn't.
>> Yes.
>> May I if you don't mind?
>> Um we're talking a lot.
>> What are you Jacob? No.
>> I'm Jacob. Yes. talking a lot about the
war in Gaza
>> and um with the release of the hostages
and you talked a lot about your
liberation and this is being recorded.
I'm curious to know what you would tell
the hostages who have just been
liberated.
Some words of anything um if they were
to see this.
>> Well, there were probably many
similarities that the hostages went
through that they went through. Part of
it is probably the constant hunger
pains. I'm sure that they never gave
them enough food to to the satisfaction
of the know I have eaten a full meal.
That's one of it. So the and and and as
far as whether they uh to what extent
they still hate them and what extent
they they they hated them at the time
when when they were under their thing is
is is is all something which I don't
know. I have to speak to them. I'll tell
you only one thing. People ask me, do I
hate the Germans? Do I do I I dislike
them? And my answer is as follows. First
of all, the Germans of today are not
this generation of today in Germany are
not the ones that killed my parents, my
grandparents, and and men, women, and
children. This is already a new
different a new a new generation and new
faith.
>> How many? Three generations.
>> What?
>> Today is three generations later. four
generations later. I think it's at least
two
uh maybe more because because these
these I remember when I when I right
after the war after I was liberated I
was tell you my my I went to visit with
my with my sisters I went to visit an
ant in Vienna and that was in 1946
no 194
end of 1946 [snorts] and they the her
husband who was uh she was married to to
somebody that I finally learned. He took
me he took me to he says, "Is would you
like to go to Beth? They they had very
famous bath different bath in in in in
Vienna. Hot and cold and lukewarm and so
so I finally says agree to." So I went
with him. He took me to some bath and I
see also some civilians were also using
those bath and I look at these at these
Germans who were also using them and I
say I wonder how many people did you
kill how many people did you kill who so
forth but I'm saying that was in 1940
uh end of 1946
but it's n 19
uh uh 20 and what
>> 25 2025
Can you say the same thing? No, I don't
hate them. And so forth. And and and
there were individual people I will tell
you I didn't never told you about. There
were some Germans during the the the who
were my my guards who were trying to
sometimes help me. Sometimes one gave me
every time handed me an apple. Sometimes
a guy handed me a sandwich or a piece of
bread. a German guard who was standing
near me with a with a gun and so forth.
And and there was a case where where I
had was
I [clears throat] would tell you just
briefly uh that my milk was situated
in in a valley so to speak and was
surrounded by barracks of the Luvafa.
The Luftwafa was the the German air and
of course they they were uh uh
surrounded our our camp but they were
not instrumental in guarding us. They
were not our our our our Toro tormentor
so to speak not the the Lufafa people
but and nevertheless they were close to
us. one one afternoon I think it was
late late maybe in in I don't know it
was late dur in in in the year I walked
down we had a rule in our concentration
camp whenever we walk down the street
and a German soldier or German officer
is coming towards us we have to stop not
move and wait till he passes us one and
yeah and take off our head and once he
passes us we and continue walking. So I
was walking down once in the in in milk
on the afternoon and I look in a
distance and I see out this officer uh
coming towards me. He must be he must be
a general. He had a fur collar with a
with this German cross here and medals
all over.
Tremendous beautiful uniform. And as and
as I stop in my tracks like usual and I
take off my mitzer and he approaches me
and he passes me by about maybe uh 10 8
yards or from me and he stops and and
and I feel felt I had usually been they
pass me I can start walking this why he
says halt to my house he says hold hold
don't don't move
suddenly went through my mind wake What
is my my sin now? What did I do? Why
what what is he going to to to to do? So
he's s standing about maybe five eight
ft from me facing that way. And I'm
saying and he says to me, can you hear
me? He says can can I says
and he says
he said it will not last much longer.
He says, "Hold out much longer. It will
it will not last much longer." This is
the first time. Of course, we didn't
have any new any sort of news. But I
will tell you something. The minute he I
I I'm standing there and I figure am I
really hearing this or is this
imagination? And as he left, I started
running to my barrack, not walking,
running. And I come there and I say,
"Come on, my friends. I want to tell you
what happened to me." And I tell them
exactly what happened with all the
details and they say start stop hol
nation stop your dreams this I said
please if believe me and believe me it
happened and as as I am telling you the
truth no they they I don't think they
ever believed in fact after liberation
some of my friends
>> how long afterward was liberation
>> let
even after liberation I told them again
I says I want to tell you remember what
I told
It's not about a hallucination. I think
I wasn't crazy. It was real. This is
what what I heard and this is what he
told me. This big guy and so so you see
uh something like this happened also.
But what what did you want to say?
>> Is it a couple of months before?
>> But before liberation.
>> Yeah. How far between that and
liberation? How far between?
>> I would say no. It happened in Mel and
then they took us to to Aman been about
at least five months or so before
liberation.
>> Yeah.
>> Yes. I wanted to ask you, you were
talking about a few places you were
transferred. You were in Ashburg and now
in Poland and then three places in
Austria. What according to let's say
your knowledge, why would they transfer
people all the time? uh so many
different places when you were in so
many different camps and also if you
could just give us a little bit of
information in terms of what was going
on in those other three camps in
Austria. How was that different than
>> Duty? What is it? I I'm sorry I didn't
quite
>> I'm sorry. Can you repeat it one more
time because I almost I got distracted.
I apologize.
>> You mentioned that you were transferred.
You were in four different camps and so
I'm just curious why according to what
you think why would they transfer people
so many different places? Were you
transferred so often?
>> Yeah. What was
>> wasn't your last stop? You were
transferred to Madousand then Mel. Why
were you transferred so often?
>> Poland to Austria. Okay.
>> And also if you could just tell us a
little bit about those three other camps
in Austria.
>> Okay. First of all, Matausen
was a terrible terrible camp. Matausen
was the camp where they issued my
number. But Matausen was also a
distribution camp. You can imagine that
there was many thousands of Hungarian
prisoners that I call them prisoners of
Hungarian people that came in in these
transports that were destined to go to
work. Now they had many different
situations, many different uh little
towns had different type of of of of
industry that was working for the German
ri whether it was for airplanes making
parts for airplanes or whether it was uh
working by the railroad or whether was
laying rails and so forth. So this
matousen distributed all these prisoners
that came in and including my father who
was one of those transports to a
different satellite places where each
each satellite place had a concentration
camp that was working for the for the
German ri to to achieve victory so to
speak. So consequently uh we were all uh
many of them were this. Now the reason
why they transferred so many camps
including ourselves let's say from milk
to a because the Russian army was
approaching milk from uh because we were
close to Vienna about maybe 60 70 miles
or k or 100 kilometers from Vienna the
Russians were approaching and they did
not want us to be liberated by by the um
by either by the Russian army or by the
uh uh English uh or American army. So
they consequently kept on taking as soon
as these allied uh armies approached
during the war they approached those
camps they emptied them out and shipped
them to another place or in many cases
they killed them. In many places they
put them on open freight cars and in the
winter time and shoveled them back and
forth just so they froze many of them
froze to death and so forth. So there
were many other ways that those rashim
found somehow to empty out the camps not
for us to uh to to fall into the to the
armies of liberation. So I will tell you
something even in Aan's day I would say
I wake up one morning one morning in in
in in from my bed from my bunk and I
look out again and I turn to my friends
and I say something something changed
and they said but what are you talking
about sir and says look out do you see
the guard tower there the guard tower
guy was standing always the machine gun
that there on that guard tower is now
some civilians with white bands on
what's going on. Ah, I started to figure
out and I said to my friends, you know,
it's quite possible that we are close to
to to the end of the war to liberation.
And sure enough, I would tell you
something sure enough one day about five
days before we were liberated by the
Americans. Five days before they told us
again to appear on the appel plots. This
time it was different. Why? Usually when
they they counted us on the appel plots.
People who were somehow dying in the
hospital, they let them sit there.
People who were so weak that they
couldn't come out in into the appel
plots and be counted, they left them
there in in in the barracks. So this
time everybody had to come out.
Everybody. There was one guy. They
counted us over and over and over again.
There was one guy who was missing. One
guy was my friend from who later on we
were together in Chicago. He was
originally from Presburg. He was
actually originally learned in in
Presburg or in Shiva and and and we were
very good friends. He also settled in in
Chicago and he told me where he was
hiding that moment when they counted us
over and over again. Eventually they
they told us one thing which we never
heard before from any of the German
Razim and and we had to listen in many
different languages. They told us that
the war is near here and there is a
possibility that many of us will be able
to will get hurt during the fighting
during the because he says we are the
German army is ready to to to repel the
the the onslaught of the of this of the
allies and pretty soon there will be
victory. So, but nevertheless, we should
not be in the middle of the fight. So,
they would advise us we all should go
into the tunnels and hide in the tunnels
that we build over there. And and
eventually, like [clears throat]
a one name said, Loyal Liy, no way will
you get us shleppers into the stone. we
don't go. And they didn't have anymore a
tremendous amount of force forces
because they were all already tried to
escape from the allies. So of course we
didn't go into those tunnels. But when
the American were liberated us and they
checked out those tunnels, they were all
dynamited and they all had one button to
push and boom and and and and and all
everybody in those tunnels would would
would would not get out so forth. So we
see all all the things that the Germans
tried to do in the last last moment of
liberation. A few more ch questions.
>> Thank you very much for coming.
>> Thank you very much for coming. I just
want to ask a little bit about your life
in Hungary before the war.
>> Czechoslovakia.
>> In in
Austra Hungary
was Czechoslovakia.
>> Okay. I'd like to ask you a little bit
about your life in Czechoslovakia. The
war had had begun in Czechoslovakia was
was was overtaken by the time that that
you would have been bombitzvah. So I I
just what does a bar mitzvah look like
in a Nazi occupied country? Well, I
would tell you we were actually not Nazi
occupied because that was part of the
miracles of but but saved well I should
save the the Hungarian Jews till the
till 1944.
You have to realize that when uh the
Germans marched into Poland in 1939, end
of 1939,
beginning of 1940, and they started
bombing the the the the
moist and so forth. So many there were
so many carbas that fell from from the
from the from from the and so forth. So
many Jews neb were killed immediately.
That did not happen by us. Why? Because
we were occupied by the by the
Hungarians. Why were we occupied by
Hungarians? Because Germany came to
Hungarian king and told them, "Look
here, we are not going to occupy
physically. We are not going to march in
to Hungary like we marched in to Belgium
and France and so forth. We are not
going to leave you alone." But you have
to start giving the Jews problems. you
have to start g taking away all their
rights and so forth. So what did Hungary
do? Sure, they started taking away our
licenses. Lawyers could not could not be
practice law. Uh I mean doctors could
not practice their their profession and
so forth and started taking away all
different licenses in and making life
miserable. But one thing I can tell you
rais the big thing was that we still
every night whether it was hunger pains
or no hunger pains but we still went to
bed in our own beds to sleep in our in
our own
bod. So that that was a very very
important thing till of course the final
moment when they slept us also away. But
as my Maritzvah took place. Yes. I will
tell you something. I don't remember
even in the in the good times. I don't
remember bar mitzvah boys in in in
mkage. Uh besides having an aliyah that
they should read from the to
all this was not usually they used to
have a a give a kdish. They used to have
some schnaps with a cake and vish visha
mletov and and so forth. One time when
they made the the biggest sim was and
that my I remember my parents made also
the biggest sim that they ever made for
Sulle for their little boy when my child
started learning humish learning
starting lay was the biggest the biggest
party of all. So I remember that they
made uh they they they had about 17
barrels of beer that were consumed by
people were coming to the party of of of
of when I started learning. They put
they put me on a pedestal and they asked
was a little
and I said
what does mean? I says radgarif
he called but that's so who called and I
had to explain others by means and then
candies flame came down from the sky it
was really really a wonderful time so
that was the biggest party that my
parents ever made the bar mitzvah was
not that was already my mother that was
during the Hungarians already during
that time when they took away all their
rights and all their things it was very
difficult ult to make to buy something
difficult to to to to buy food and get
food into the house. But my mother uh
she mentioned she somehow managed to to
make a shabas. Sometimes she managed to
get a a chicken or sometimes she managed
even to get for for for the pur that
little duck a little duck that I took to
the show to so basically it was all but
still we were at home till this all
changed in 19 right PES the day after
pes
the pes this whole thing changed when
they told us you have one hour to pack
and take whatever you can carry and
leave your home. That was the the the
last thing that that finally we had to
leave our homes. A few more. Okay.
>> Okay. We're going to do one more
question on each side and then have any
closing remarks you want to share with
us, Mr. Stark as you do. So, um yes,
>> thank you for sharing with us.
Um I'm sure we all agree that as you
said that uh youth have to know about
what happens and I'm sure most people
would agree that that's at a certain age
not young children in Aris I don't know
what's in English but I've seen comics
books in comics about the Holocaust
about
I heard Bob Morai spoke very much
against this and once I didn't read the
books but once I saw very young boy
reading this. And I said, "You should
read this." He says, "Why not?" I said,
"You're too young." He said, "What's the
problem?" I said, "It's too sad for you
to read at your age." He says, "No, it's
okay. The partisans came and saved
everybody."
>> What's the question?
>> Okay. And if not, why is there a protest
by educational institutions or rabbis
that all of us being misrepresented
to from children's
comics from uh books?
>> So she's asking what your opinion is.
There are there are some books today
that uh that uh express the Holocaust in
comic book form perhaps um and that in
some of the information might be like uh
off or misrepresented. Am I am I
repeating it correctly?
>> For very young children
>> for very young children like it's
targeted for very young children.
>> There's no mile to giving older children
misinformation either. Anyway,
>> there are some very greedy people that I
understand that that to make a buck
or to make a few dollars here and there
if you call him. It's so important that
they will probably abandon what is
morally right and so forth. They will
use the Holocaust if necessary because
it will create an attention maybe will
create people. use the Holocaust in
certain way that they can profit from
it. Whether it's through some kind of a
a new story or maybe even a player based
around it, the whole world is busy with
the Holocaust. The whole world sometimes
compares ridiculous situations to the
Holocaust. You cannot help that. Nobody
I cannot help it. It bothers me, but
there's nothing I can do about it. If
somebody comes out and profits from
so-called the the Holocaust situation, I
cannot help it. But I'll tell you
something and and as far as as as uh my
my it's very important for me to to to
tell you that uh I certainly had no
problem in in in in uh communicating. I
had no problem and so forth. I feel it
it was very very important. It is still
very important and the fact is do you
want me to close already or we still
have a question?
>> One more question.
>> Okay. One more question.
>> Okay.
>> You want
wait I just want to add I'm sorry if I
can if it's with your permission one
thing just that's this is not a plug for
Mr. Stark's book but that's one of the
reasons why he put his book forward. He
felt there was not enough truthful
representation of the Holocaust targeted
for a younger audience. His book, if or
when do you have a chance to see it, is
targeted from ages more or less 10 and
up. It's target and it's targeted for
like, you know, tween and teenagers
because he felt that group has been
neglected and they haven't been
represented with proper with proper
books. You have like the boy in the
strip pajamas which isn't even uh
factual uh you know or Anne Frank which
you know which is a different type of
book. You're right. So that's why he put
his book out into the world because he
wanted something that was factual, true,
that represented the Holocaust through
his eyes.
>> Let me let me tell you only one thing
that right now it's impossible for me to
walk through on Ashabas Street of
Chicago. When I go to Shul or I come out
from Shul and I see all these children
going in different directions, they all
come up to me and says, "Oh, Mr. Stark,
I read your book." Oh, hey Mr. Sark, you
know, I couldn't put it down. And this
one tell me that. And then a lot of
people come to me and want a brocha from
me. I said, look here. I'm not a coen. I
cannot
give out brochas. The didn't tell me
that I should give brahas. But again, I
say
maybe maybe just if you want a from me,
fine. I hope that is gonna listen to me
and give you what I what I plan or what
I wish for you. So that's that is one of
the things but I'll tell you if you want
me to close already. I'll close it.
>> One last question. One last one last
question.
>> One last question. You can speak you
>> you can speak to him afterwards. Go
ahead. Last question
>> here. Here there's somebody here.
>> Yes. You are supposed to give brah
because when the satma reb came to he
said he said and when he left they said
who do we go to for a braha now rebi
you're leaving he says find a survivor
who's still putting on filling that's
you go there get a
>> right
>> was that Rabbi
>> that's me no forever [laughter]
>> I will tell you something
I will tell you something I I remember
very well at the beginning. I'm not an
ODM. I'm an ODM. I'm a per a human
being.
>> Well, and I how much I enjoyed I can't
tell you how much I enjoyed your and I
have to see you for a moment after after
the this this meeting. Why? Because I
owe some money to your and I got to know
how to pay it. [laughter]
>> I don't want to go back to Chicago. that
but that guilt feeling.
>> Last question. Last question. Go ahead.
>> Okay. So, from what I understand, you've
been doing this for a while, for many
years even. Um, and you've been
addressing many groups. And I was
wondering two things. one whether there
was a particular question that stood out
to you over the years that you thought
was very good and perhaps that
influenced people that that the answer
influenced people and how come you never
get tired of answering people's
questions?
>> Well, I would I understand what you
asked but I'll tell you something. There
were so many different there's so many
different questions usually but I'll
tell you what the most important
question always arises and what is it
says how come you had the phase how come
you survived and out of other people
next to you didn't survive and I says
how come you had amuna you claimed that
you had amuna hashem and I say yes I
said I had amuna hashem because that was
my medication that was what I only think
in those terrible days of the
concentration camp that's the only thing
I could hold on to many many prisoners
came to me and said why are you trying
to encourage us to survive don't you see
what's going on around you don't you see
turn in the back and see that that we
all end end up that in that pile we're
going to end up there so why try to
survive another day or another week or
another month. I mean it's it's it's
it's impossible with all these hunger
pains. And I said to them one thing. I
says I want you to know one thing. What
you are telling me now hurts me a great
deal because I think that you're giving
up. I says listen I am not a messenger
of the loy. I am not a novi. I don't
know more than you or this one or this
president or the other one. I said I
don't have any in the Vas but I do know
one thing. I know that when you are
proud of the Hungarian transport and I
know when they took us away the moment
they put us in those transport in those
freight cars the war was lost. The war
was lost maybe a year before that
Germany lost the war in Stalingrad and
many of them know that the war was lost
and they slept us to Avitz and I'm
telling you this was the big one of the
biggest faults of biggest sources a lot
written about it by rabbony by rabbitson
she wrote a whole book about the folly
of the of the Hungarian Jews how they
were mis how they were mis
misplaced and mistreated because
>> misled.
>> What?
>> Can't hear you.
>> Misled.
They're also misled.
>> Misled, right? Because I'll tell you
something.
They they they could have been saved.
Look here. We were They transported to
Ashitz about 474,000
nefasces, men, women, and children.
Hungarians transport. Now I'll tell you
something. It was a 19 beginning of
1944.
Now I will tell you maybe many times
let's assume that that we would say in
in just like we said in in in in in our
camp in in a in the last moment we said
we are not going into the tunnels and
and I knew they couldn't take us
anymore. I mean they they how many
people let's say in it would happen in
1940 and 1939 in Poland and Germany they
would take the shing guns and call them
and kill them all but that couldn't have
happened in Hungary because they didn't
have actually the killers the personnel
the Russim that usually took took the
lives of men women and children in
Maliti and so forth they didn't so we
would had no they would have killed
maybe 100,000 150,000 fine but they
wouldn't have killed 475,000
so actually I think we were misled by
the Hungarian you are and we were it
would have told us heen you know where
you're going you there was no sign we're
going we're not you're not going to
Hungarian farms it's ridiculous you're
going to Awitz we knew Awitz was we
probably would have resisted and maybe a
lot of them of us would have gotten
killed But nevertheless may a lot of
them would have remained alive too. So
this I'm saying there was part of the
folly of the Hungarian leadership and so
forth. So there are any more questions
still before closing?
>> I think we'll close.
>> Yeah.
>> And
as well we'll close.
>> Well, I will tell you something. I with
the permission of Rabbi Lovski,
[clears throat] I would like to say to
all of you
Gilroy is very important because you we
all know that
the fish he created the fish the fish
cannot have a nine hor you cannot give a
nine hor fish. So is a big
and I will say all the young ladies here
that are here that need
send you
and also
for your children should be all
and I'll tell you something in in in
name of of this
in name of of Rabbi the closest
who I think he was mostly responsible.
He and Rabbi Silver from Cincinnati and
a lot of a lot of from from Shikim from
to tell us
brothers and sisters,
you have no choice. You have to go back
to your miser you have to go back to
what your parents taught you. And Bur
Hashem, we listened to them and we
accepted that and we went back. And if
it wouldn't be for that, we wouldn't
have
the moes haters in in in every corner of
America and in Lakewood and here in in
thousands and thousands of of young
people that feel that the their part is
to to to before before they become
involved in maybe in the world in the
business world and so forth that they
have to be something that they know
certain certain by very well and so
forth which is very good burashem for
that. And if it wouldn't be that we
listened to them and we went back to
these to these to the to our mid from
our parents and our and our
shurim and our midday
from from to from Gammoras and so forth
that we wouldn't have all these moes
today we listen to them and and gave us
today all we we we we we you have idea
in all the corners of America and so
forth. People are toyra girls and boys
are sitting and learning to mitzvah. We
should only continue to have nas from
each other and and I would like to thank
again Rabbi and and and Yakov mayor and
we should all hear serious stories from
you and maybe just maybe as again is
going to give me and my wife strength
and then we'll be able to be here again.
>> Thank you so much to everybody for
coming. There's going to be after the
program and tremendous
you know
that he came I can't call him now get
upset of me and uh for the for the time
that he gave us and when he comes the
next time we'll make it a little longer.